Sandra Cason Hayden (October 31, 1937 – January 4, 2023) was an American radical student activist and civil rights worker in the 1960s. Recognized for her defense of direct action in the struggle against racial segregation, in 1960 she was an early recruit to Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). With Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Mississippi, Hayden was a strategist and organizer for the 1964 Freedom Summer. In the internal discussion that followed its uncertain outcome, she clashed with the SNCC national executive.
Hayden's vision was of a "radically democratic" movement driven by organizers in the field. In defending grassroots organization she believed she was also advocating for the voice of women. In "Sex and Caste" (November 1965), a reworking of an internal memo they had drafted with other SNCC women, Hayden and Mary King drew "parallels" with the experience of African-Americans to suggest that women are "caught up in a common-law caste system that operates, sometimes subtly, forcing them to work around or outside hierarchical structures of power." Since regarded as a bridge connecting civil rights to women's liberation, Hayden describes its publication as her "last action as a movement activist."
In the decades that followed, she continued to acknowledge the civil-rights struggle of the era as the forerunner for women, and for all those who have taken up "the idea of organising for themselves."
Early life Casey Hayden was born Sandra Cason (a name she continued to use legally) on October 31, 1937, in Austin, Texas, as a fourth-generation Texan. She was raised in Victoria, Texas, in a "multigenerational matriarchal family"Casey Hayden (2010). "In the Attics of my Mind." Written for Hands on the Freedom Plow: Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC. Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement. https://www.crmvet.org/comm/hayden.htm—by her mother, Eula Weisiger Cason ("the only divorced woman in town"), her mother's sister, and her grandmother. An unconventional arrangement, she believed it cultivated in her from the outset an affinity for those on the margins.Davis W. Houck, David E. Dixon (2009) Women and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965. University Press of Mississippi. p. 135
Campus activist In 1957 Cason enrolled as junior at The University of Texas. She moved out of campus dorms into the Social Gospel and racially integrated Christian Faith and Life Community, and as officer of Young Women's Christian Association and member of the Social Action Committee of the university's Religious Council was soon engaged in civil-rights education and protest. Continuing from 1959 as a UT English and philosophy graduate student, she participated in a successful sit-in campaign to desegregate Austin-area restaurants and theaters.
In a dramatic intervention at the National Student Association convention in Minneapolis in August 1960, Cason turned back a broadly supported motion objecting to sit-ins that would have denied support to the fledgling Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). "I cannot say to a person who suffers injustice, 'Wait,' And having decided that I cannot urge caution, I must stand with him."Houck, Davis W. and Dixon, David E. (2008), "Casey Hayden: August 1960, National Student Association Convention, Minneapolis, Minnesota", in Women and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965, University Press of Mississippi 1 Among the delegates who, after a moments silence, gave her a standing ovation were SDS president Alan Haber, who, as she recalls, "scooped" her up, and Tom Hayden, editor of University of Michigan student newspaper. Stirred by her "ability to think morally [and] express herself poetically," he followed her into Haber's new left-wing grouping.Smith (2015). p. 365
At the SNCC second coordinating conference in Atlanta in October 1960, Cason reported herself transfixed by the idea of the Beloved Community as espoused by James Lawson and Diane Nash of the Nashville Student Movement.Houck and Dixon (2009). p. 135
With the SNCC in the South
In the summer of 1961 Cason moved to New York City and lived with Tom Hayden. In a ceremony invoking Albert Camus--"I, on the other hand, choose justice in order to remain faithful to the world"—they married in October, and then moved to Atlanta.Smith (2015). p. 369 "Godmother of the SNCC" Ella Baker had hired Cason (now Casey Hayden) for a YWCA special project, travelling to southern campuses to conduct integrated race-relations workshops (secretly in the case of some white schools). She also worked in the SNCC office on, among other projects, preparations for the Freedom Riders who were to challenge non-enforcement of the United States Supreme Court decision Boynton v. Virginia (1960). In December, as Freedom Riders themselves, the Haydens were arrested in Albany, Georgia.
It was from the jail cell that Tom Hayden began drafting what was to become the Port Huron Statement, adopted by the SDS at its convention in June 1962 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. With Tom Hayden elected SDS president for the 1962–1963 academic year, and Casey Hayden heeding the SNCC call to return to Atlanta, they separated, divorcing in 1965. While she had had the reputation in the SDS of being "one of the boys", much of the discussion within the SDS inner circle struck her as young men posturing. Her heart was with the SNCC where, consistent with the focus on action, greater value was placed on building relationships, and where women, Black women, spoke out.Smith (2015). p. 372
In 1963, Casey Hayden moved to Mississippi where, along with Doris Derby, she was asked to begin a literacy project at Tougaloo College in an all-black community outside Jackson. The comparative safety of the college was a consideration: out in the field the increased visibility she brought as a white woman was a risk not only to herself, but also to her comrades. But it was also important to Hayden that the "request was specifically made" because of her background in English education:
As a Southerner, I considered the Southern Freedom Movement Against Segregation mine as much any one else's. I was working for my right to be with who I chose to be with as I chose to be with them. It was my freedom. However, when I worked full time in the black community I considered myself a guest of that community, which required decency and good manners, as every Southerner knows. I considered myself a support person; my appropriate role was to provide support from behind the lines, not to be a leader in any public way.
It was not that within SNCC she did not have a "right to leadership" but that "it would have been counterproductive." Not being "a leader in any public way," however, did not leave Hayden feeling in any way excluded. Although she appears quicker to recognize the advantage it was to her as a woman in the movement than to her as a "guest" in the community, Hayden noted that because of "the participatory, town-hall, consensus-forming nature of the SNCC operation" being "on the Executive Committee or a project director didn't carry much weight anyway."Casey Hayden (2015), "Only Love Is Radical." Inspiring Participatory Democracy: Student Movements from Port Huron to Today, ed. Tom Hayden. New York: Routledge, 2015, p. 65. Her ability to make decisions and to control her own work was not a matter of formal position.
In 1964 she became organizer and strategist for Freedom Summer and for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in the challenge they were to mount to the seating of the all-white regulars at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. She explains that in those roles: I did the work all the way up and down. That means I did my own typing and mimeographing and mailing and I also did my own research and analysis and writing and decision making, the latter usually in conversation with other staff. As we said at the time, both about our constituencies and ourselves, "The people who do the work should make the decisions." There were no secretaries in SNCC, with the exception of Norma Collins in the Atlanta office, so there was no office hierarchy. I was at the center of the organization, unlimited except by my own choices and challenged at every turn to think and do and grow and care.Casey Hayden (1995). "Feminists and Women," 12th Annual Fannie Lou Hamer Symposium Lecture Series, Jackson State University, 4–6 October. Document 89, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. p. 2 https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc89.htm
However, it is the recollection of Elaine DeLott Baker that when she joined Hayden in Jackson just the month before Freedom Summer, the era when "the beloved community" operated "in a space beyond race and gender" was already being spoken of with nostalgia.There was a hierarchy in place that determined the definition of the "people" in the phrase, "Let the people decide". There was an unspoken understanding of who should speak up at meetings, who should propose ideas in public places, and who should remain silent. [It] was not the traditional hierarchy, it was a hierarchy based on considerations of race, the amount of time spent in the struggle, dangers suffered, and finally, of gender . . . —black men at the top of the hierarchy, then black women, followed by white men, and at the bottom, white women. "Women, black and white," still retained "an enormous amount of operational freedom, they were indeed the ones that were keeping things moving." But as people began to debate the direction the movement should take "in the post-freedom summer reality," there was "little public recognition of that reality."Elaine DeLott Baker (2009). Document 98: Elaine DeLott Baker, excerpts from Francesca Polletta and Elaine DeLott Baker, "The 1964 Waveland Memo and the Rise of Second-Wave Feminism," Organization of American Historians, Annual Meeting, Seattle, 26–29 March 2009, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University.
At the end of the summer, Hayden describes everyone in the movement "reeling from the violence," from the impact of "the new racial imbalance" following the influx of white-student volunteers, and from "the lack of direction and money." Most of all they were staggered to find the Democratic Party "in the role of racist lunch counter owner refusing entrance to the MFDP at the Atlantic City convention. The core of SNCC's work, voter registration, was open to question."Casey Hayden (2014) (to Elaine DeLott Baker, 11 September 2014). Introduction. Document 45. Casey Hayden (aka Sandra Cason)], "Memorandum on Structure," Waveland, Mississippi, [6-12 November 1964], Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc45.htm. As an opportunity to take stock, to critique and reevaluate the organization, a retreat in Waveland, Mississippi, was organized for November.
"Sex and Caste" Among the Position Papers circulated at Waveland, number 24 ("name withheld by request") opened with the observation that the "large committee" formed to present "crucial constitutional revisions" to the staff "was all men."Position Paper #24, (women in the movement), Waveland, Mississippi, [6-12 November 1964] https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc43.htm Although Hayden and another Ella Baker YWCA protégé, Mary King, were soon outed as authors, a number of women in the Jackson office contributed to the drafting.