Formal peace negotiations between the Government of the Philippines and the various armed groups involved in the Moro conflictFernandez, Maria. (2017). Implementing Peace and Development in the Bangsamoro: Potentials and Constraints of Socio-Economic Programs for Conflict-Affected Areas in Southern Philippines (1913-2015). 10.13140/RG.2.2.14829.33763.Steven Rood. “Forging Sustainable Peace in Mindanao: The Role of Civil Society”, Policy Studies 17, Washington: East-West Center, 2005, p.22 began in 1976 when the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front first met to negotiate towards the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, and most recently reached a major milestone in the ratification of the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) through a plebiscite in 2018, leading to the creation of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. However, conflicts with other smaller armed groups continue to exist.Stephens, Matthew. “Prospects for Lasting Peace in Mindanao: Peacemaking and Peacebuilding under the Aquino and Duterte Administrations.” Chapter. In From Aquino II to Duterte (2010–2018): Change, Continuity—and Rupture, edited by Imelda Deinla and Bjšrn Dressel, 207–38. Lectures, Workshops, and Proceedings of International Conferences. ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, 2019.
The peace process as outlined in the Comprehensive Agreement which led to the creation of the Bangsamoro involved two tracks - the political-legislative track and the normalization track. Under the political track, the government would work towards the creation of a new political entity known as the Bangsamoro, to replace the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) created in 1989. Under the normalization track, the MILF would turn over their firearms to a third party, which would be selected by the rebels and the Philippine government. The MILF agreed to decommission its armed wing, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF).
History of negotiations
Beginnings of the Moro conflict during the Marcos dictatorship
The rise of the Marcos dictatorship marked the beginnings of at least two long-running conflicts that continued to plague the Philippine government: the Moro conflict and the New People's Army conflict. In terms of the Moro conflict, many of the key events took place either during the latter part of Marcos' first or second constitutionally-allowed presidential terms, or during the time when he ruled under Martial Law. This included the beginning of the active phase of the Moro Conflict with the formation of separatist political movements, the formation and rise of the Moro National Liberation Front once peaceful political movements were banned under Martial Law, the signing of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement brokered by Muammar Gaddafi, the failure to create an autonomous region in for the Moros in Mindanao during the 1977 Southern Philippines autonomy plebiscite, and the resulting breakaway of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front as a new armed group.Akmaliah, Wahyudi. (2012). Remembering the Legacies of the Marcos Dictatorship: The Formation of Historical Memory and the Struggle for Justice in the Post-Marcos Period.
Beginning of the active phase of the Moro conflict
The active phase of the Moro conflict is attributed to news about the Jabidah massacre in March 1968 – towards the end of the first term of President Ferdinand Marcos. A senate exposé broke the news that at least 11 Filipino Muslim military trainees had been killed in Corregidor by soldiers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, with only one survivor living to escape and tell the tale. The news created unrest among Filipino Muslims, and both Muslim intellectuals and common people suddenly became politicized, discrediting the idea of finding integration and accommodation with the rest of the country, and creating a sense of marginalization.
Formation of the Moro National Liberation Front
On October 21, 1972, University of the Philippines professor Nur Misuari formed the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) which sought the establishment of a Moro republic through the force of arms.
The MNLF and the Armed Forces of the Philippines engaged in extensive armed collisions between 1972 and 1976, peaking in 1973 when the rebels' "blitz-like operations" brought them control of a substantial number of municipalities surrounding Cotabato City and its airport complex, with another major highlight being the 1974 Battle of Jolo in which the armed conflict between the two groups resulted in the near-total destruction of what had been the relatively modern municipality of Jolo, Sulu.
This prompted the Marcos regime to beef up military presence by deploying almost three-fourths of the army in most Muslim-majority parts of Mindanao.
By 1976, the conflict had turned into a stalemate, with neither side able to achieve a decisive victory over the other.
1976 Tripoli Agreement
Until 1976, the MNLF received support from Malaysia and Libya. So in November 1976, Marcos sent his wife Imelda Marcos - along with a 60-person entourage that included Industry Secretary Vicente Paterno - to meet with Muammar Gaddafi in Libya "to charm Col. Kadaffi" and offer a lucrative oil deal in exchange for his withdrawal of support for the MNLF through Malaysia.
The delegation was successful, and representatives of the Philippine government and the MNLF met at the negotiating table in December 1976. The final result was the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, which among other things was the first agreement to introduce the concept of an autonomous Muslim region in Mindanao.
However, Marcos unilaterally insisted on implementing the creation of the autonomous Muslim region through the mechanism of a plebiscite, which had not been discussed in the negotiations of the Tripoli agreement.Bertrand, J. (2000). Peace and Conflict in the Southern Philippines: Why the 1996 Peace Agreement Is Fragile. Pacific Affairs, 73(1), 37–54. https://doi.org/10.2307/2672283 The resulting 1977 Southern Philippines autonomy plebiscite led to the creation of two Regional Autonomous Governments (RAGs) in Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao rather than a single autonomous region.
The MNLF saw this as a deviation from the framework of the Tripoli Agreement. It became apparent to the MNLF that Marcos had no intentions of fulfilling the Agreement, and was only using it to diffuse the conflict and weaken the MNLF's position. The deal collapsed within six months, and hostilities between the MNLF and Philippine government forces resumed.
Formation of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
The signing of this agreement brought about a serious rift in MNLF leadership, leading to the formation of a breakaway group in 1977 by Hashim Salamat and 57 MNLF officers. The group was initially known as "The New Leadership". Misuari expelled Salamat in December 1977, after which Salamat moved his new organization first to Cairo, Egypt, and then, in 1980, to Lahore, Pakistan, where it engaged in diplomatic activities.
This breakaway organization was formally established in 1984 as the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
Negotiations under the post–People Power government
Peace talks under the post–People Power government Soon after becoming President of the Philippines as a result of the civilian-led People Power Revolution, Corazon Aquino arranged a meeting with the MNLF chairman Nur Misuari and several MNLF rebel groups in Sulu, which paved the way for a series of negotiations.
1987 Jeddah Accord
In 1987, the administration of Corazon Aquino signed the 1987 Jeddah Accord with the MNLF, agreeing to hold further discussions on the proposal for autonomy to the entirety of Mindanao and not just the thirteen provinces stated in the 1976 Tripoli Agreement.
Creation of the ARMM
On August 1, 1989, under the mandate of the new 1987 constitution, Congress enacted Republic Act 6734 which authorized the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) pending ratification through a plebiscite.
The MNLF demanded that the thirteen Tripoli Agreement provinces be included in the ARMM, but the government refused; eight of those provinces, due to continuous Resettlement Policy all throughout silence of Peace Process were now predominantly Christian populated.
When the government held a plebiscite in the thirteen provinces and 9 cities covered by the Tripoli Agreement, only the provinces of Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi opted to become part of the ARMM, which was formally established on November 6, 1990.
Creation of NUC and OPAPP
When former Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos became president in 1992, he made "national reconciliation" and peace - particularly in Mindanao - a cornerstone of his agenda. He issued Proclamation No. 10-A which established a National Unification Commission (NUC) which was tasked with writing a report regarding the "formulation of a peace process" after conducting public consultations in different parts of the country.
Martial Law era lawyer-activist and Commission on Elections Chairperson Haydee Yorac was appointed to chair the commission, which submitted its report to President Ramos on July 31, 1993, after which it officially ceased to exist. But the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process was established on September 15, 1993, through the issuance of Executive Order No. 125 by President Ramos, which took into account recommendations of the NUC. Yorac is thus included in the lineage of former heads of the OPAPP, which was later renamed the Office of the Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity (OPAPRU).
1996 Final Peace Agreement with the MNLF (Jakarta Accord)
In the early 1990s, the Organization of Islamic Conference expanded its Quadripartite Ministerial Commission, which had been facilitating peace talks between the Philippine Government and the MNLF. The Ministerial Committee of Six now included Indonesia, which was also a member of ASEAN. As such, Indonesia became the committee chair mediating the talks between the Philippine government and the MNLF, and soon provided personnel as ceasefire monitors.
When an interim ceasefire agreement was signed in 1993, Philippine President Fidel V. Ramos encouraged the involvement of Indonesia and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the peace process, culminating in the Jakarta Agreement of 1996, which aimed to fully implement the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. This breakthrough was largely facilitated by Sayyid Al-Hassan Caluang, former OIC Governor of Sulu and grandson of Sayyid Sharif Capt. Kalingalan Caluang. He played a crucial role in arranging meetings between MNLF elders and the Philippine government, providing vital support, including food and logistical assistance. Notably, Sayyid Sharif Capt. Kalingalan Caluang, a World War II veteran and staunch advocate for the Bangsamoro cause, was a founding member of Ansarul Islam, alongside key leaders such as Salipada Pendatun and Domocao Alonto. His enduring legacy of leadership laid the foundation for the peace efforts that his grandson would continue to advance.
Indonesia thus facilitated the Jakarta Agreement, billed as the "Final Peace Agreement" in 1996, which was supposed to lead to the full implementation of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, and eventually the end of the Moro armed struggle in Mindanao.
The accord divided the mechanism for implementation of the 1976 Tripoli agreement into two phases:
Phase I – Three years were allotted for the establishment of the Special Zone of Peace and Development, the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD) and the Consultative Assembly. At this point, the agreement enabled qualified MNLF members to enter the ranks of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police. The Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development was dominated by the MNLF. Misuari then ran unopposed as governor of the ARMM.