The Sanctuary movement was a religious and political campaign in the United States that began in the early 1980s to provide safe haven for Central American refugees fleeing civil conflict. The movement was a response to federal immigration policies that made obtaining asylum difficult for Central Americans.Rabben, Linda. "Sanctuary and Asylum: A Social and Political History." University of Washington Press. 2016. See also Hilary Cunningham. God and Caesar at the Rio Grande: Sanctuary and the Politics of Religion. University of Minnesota Press, 1995.
At its peak, Sanctuary involved over 500 congregations in the United States, which, by declaring themselves official "sanctuaries," committed to providing shelter, protection, material goods and often legal advice to Central American refugees. Various denominations were involved, including Lutherans, United Church of Christ, Roman Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists, Jews, Unitarian Universalists, Quakers, and Mennonites.
Movement members acted both in defiance of federal laws (civil disobedience) and as citizens upholding laws they thought their government was violating (civil initiative). Several prominent Sanctuary figures were arrested and put on trial in the mid-1980s, including its two "founders", John Fife and James A. Corbett. The movement's historical roots derive from the right of sanctuary in medieval law and Jewish and Christian social teachings. Its contemporary roots derive from the American Civil War and its Underground Railroad as well as the sanctuaries offered to conscientious objectors during the Vietnam War.Ann Crittenden, Sanctuary: A Story of American Conscience and Law in Collision (Grove, 1988); Cunningham, Hilary. God and Caesar at the Rio Grande: Sanctuary and the Politics of Religion (University of Minnesota Press, 1995).
History Central American Conflict Between 1980 and 1991, nearly a million Central Americans crossed the U.S. border seeking asylum. Most were fleeing political repression and violence caused by civil wars in Guatemala and El Salvador; others had fled Nicaragua in the wake of the 1979 Nicaraguan Revolution. In El Salvador, the military had killed over 10,000 people by 1980, including Archbishop Óscar Romero and four U.S. churchwomen. In Guatemala, government-backed paramilitary groups killed 50,000, disappeared 100,000 and perpetrated 626 village massacres.
Policy under the Reagan administration greatly hindered Central Americans from obtaining asylum status. Congress forbade foreign aid to countries committing human rights abuses, and at same time the U.S. provided funds, training and arms to the Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments. Because admitting these governments' abuses would bar the U.S. from providing further aid, the Reagan administration instead argued that Central Americans were "economic migrants" fleeing poverty, not governmental repression. Consequently, Central Americans stood little chance in the U.S. immigration system, where asylum is granted based on proof of "well-founded fear" of persecution. Just before Reagan took office, Congress had passed the Refugee Act of 1980, which incorporated this international definition of political asylum into U.S. law, which formerly granted refugee status only to those "fleeing Communism." But the Reagan administration retained discretion under the law and prevented the legal recognition of Central American claims. Visa approval rates for Guatemalans and Salvadorans hovered somewhere under 3% in 1984, as compared to a 60% approval rate for Iranians, 40% for Afghans fleeing Soviet invasion, 32% for Poles, 12% for Nicaraguans escaping the Sandinistas and 100% for Cubans. In 1983, one Guatemalan was granted asylum in the U.S.
U.S. economic policies, such as trade agreements and corporate interests, also played a significant role in the exploitation of Central American resources and labor forces, actions that exacerbated socioeconomic inequalities and worked to drive people to seek better opportunities elsewhere. The combination of political repression, economic exploitation, and social upheaval created conditions ripe for mass migration, as individuals and families sought safety, economic security, and a chance for a better life in the U.S. Thus, economic imperialism catalyzed the migration crisis in the 1980s, shaping the lives of millions of Central Americans and their descendants.
Overall, the combination of economic exploitation, military support for repressive regimes, and restrictive immigration policies under the Reagan administration created a hostile environment for Central American migrants, forcing many to endure further hardship and uncertainty in their quest for safety and refuge. Many Central Americans who reached the U.S. were placed in detention centers and sent home. Many protested, saying they would face severe dangers upon their return. An American Civil Liberties Union study in 1985 reported that 130 deported Salvadorans were found disappeared, tortured, or killed.
Public sanctuary The sanctuary movement emerged in the 1980s as a response to political turmoil in Central America, offering refuge and support to those fleeing persecution. This grassroots effort reshaped societal perspectives on immigration, highlighting the failures of existing policies and emphasizing the moral imperative to protect vulnerable populations. As the movement gained momentum, it sparked discussions about broader concepts of sanctuary, leading to the development of naturalization covenants.
These covenants, born out of collaborative efforts between local governments, civil society organizations, and communities, formalize commitments to support and integrate immigrants. They signify a tangible manifestation of solidarity and a rejection of exclusionary rhetoric, fostering inclusive environments where immigrants can thrive. Naturalization covenants not only uphold the rights and dignity of immigrants but also serve as practical tools for promoting social cohesion and economic prosperity by recognizing immigrants' contributions to society.
In essence, the sanctuary movement's legacy endures through the establishment of naturalization covenants, reflecting an ongoing commitment to building inclusive and welcoming communities for all. The sanctuary movement formed in reaction to these policies.
It originated along the border with Mexico. The first church to declare itself a sanctuary for Central American refugees was Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, Arizona. The movement was sparked by the increased appearance of Central Americans at the U.S.-Mexico border. In 1980, Fife, Corbett, Jim Dudley, and other Tucson residents began providing legal, financial and material aid to Central American refugees.For the early history of the Arizona-based US movement see Ann Crittenden, Sanctuary: A Story of American Conscience and Law in Collision (Grove, 1988); Ignatius Bau, This Ground is Holy: Church Sanctuary and Central American Refugees (Paulist 1985).
Sanctuary drew on many aspects of Christian theology, but was centered on compassionate concern for those fleeing violent civil wars raging in Guatemala and El Salvador, but who met with routine deportation in the United States. Corbett has said that the tradition of his Quaker faith, and its involvement in the Civil War-era Underground Railroad that assisted fugitive slaves, was in part what compelled him to take action. For others, such as Gary Cook, associate pastor of the Central Presbyterian Church in Massillon, Ohio, merely interacting with desperate families compelled conscientious response: "We're a very conservative group of folks politically. But once we encountered the refugees face to face, we couldn't justify not taking them in."McGrath, Ellie. "Religion: Bringing Sanctuary to Trial." Time Magazine. October 28, 1985. See also Similarly, Quaker Jim Dudley recalled coming across a man hitchhiking on the side of a road on the outskirts of Tucson. After picking him up, Dudley learned he was a Salvadoran attempting to get to San Francisco. Border Patrol agents stopped the car, identified the man as an illegal alien, and arrested him. The man's distress and the likelihood that he would be summarily deported left Dudley uneasy and prompted him to investigate further.Tomsho, Robert. The American Sanctuary Movement. Texas Monthly Press: Austin. 1987.
On March 24, 1982, the second anniversary of Archbishop Óscar Romero's assassination, John Fife, minister of the Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, gained the support of his congregation to declare his church a public sanctuary. Outside its building he posted two banners that read: "This is a Sanctuary for the Oppressed of Central America," and "Immigration: do not profane the Sanctuary of God."Davidson, Miriam. Convictions of the Hearth: Jim Corbett and the Sanctuary Movement. University of Arizona Press: Tucson, AZ. 1998. Several other churches, synagogues and student groups across the country followed suit, and by 1985 Sanctuary became a national movement with roughly 500 member sites.
Movement members likened Sanctuary to the Underground Railroad of the 19th century: Central Americans fled their countries, often under extremely dangerous circumstances, traveled through Mexico and eventually found safe haven in a sanctuary community in the United States or Canada. For example, refugees coming through Tucson came to Nogales, the nearest border town in Mexico, often on foot, and found refuge at El Sanctuario de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (Sanctuary of Our Lady of Guadalupe) Catholic Church. With help from Padre Ramón Dagoberto Quiñones, the head priest at Guadalupe, they traveled a short distance across the border to the Sacred Heart Catholic Church, whose steeple was visible from Mexico. There they found shelter, food, legal advice and perhaps a little money. The two churches kept in constant contact, and priests and laypeople traveled frequently between parishes.
Over the years of the movement, which was active until 1996, activists developed a number of coordinated routes for transporting people to designated Public Sanctuaries. At first, part of the effort was to get those with credible claims to Canada, whose landed immigrant status became available once a refugee turned him/herself in on Canadian soil. But the U.S. government convinced the new conservative government to tighten the border and exclude more Central American refugees. This led to many more U.S. churches becoming welcoming sanctuaries. Prospective candidates or families were matched by numerous factors with a community that was prepared to house them and assist them to make political statements by recounting their personal history. Those who were not willing to do public speaking, for example, would be matched with a community that was not interested in doing that level of organizing or was in a rural area where little public effort was possible. Volunteers drove refugees to exchange points where they were transported to their next night's lodging until they reached their destination. The system was highly decentralized; despite the pre-organization, it was fairly ad hoc, and different groups found varying methods for providing publicity or secrecy as protection.
Once the refugees found safe haven in a Sanctuary, U.S. congregations, student groups and activists often invited Central Americans to share their beliefs and experiences with the community. Refugees were invited to the pulpit to give testimony during services, congregations held special Central American peace nights where stories were shared and information given, and Central Americans and North Americans talked frequently and openly at Bible studies, meetings and rallies. As one congregant of Tucson's Southside Presbyterian Church remembers: