Since 1984, Turkey has launched repeated invasions into Iraqi Kurdistan with the pretext of fighting the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and establishing temporary buffer zones. When the de facto autonomous Kurdistan Region (KRI) was established in 1992, instability allowed both the PKK to establish more camps in the region and Turkey to erect permanent military bases there and assert authority over the Iraq–Turkey border. From the early 2010s to the present, the Turkish military buildup in the region has increased significantly and constitutes, according to various observers, human rights organizations, and Iraqi politicians, a military occupation known to locals as the "forbidden zone."

The PKK's announcement to disband itself in early 2025 led to renewed debates over the legitimacy of Turkey's occupation. Conflicting reports emerged over whether the Turkish army had paused operations or withdrawn from the area.

Occupation zone The occupation of Iraqi Kurdistan has been likened to the Turkish occupation of northern Syria. Starting at the Iraq–Turkey border and spanning almost its entire length (86.2% in 2024), the occupation zone extends up to 40 km (25 miles) into Iraqi Kurdish territory in some areas. The Turkish-controlled areas have been described as a "Turkish zone", "security line", "red zone", a militarized "restricted area", or "de facto secure zone" covering approximately 2,000 km2 (770 sq mi) of territory, mostly of the autonomous Kurdistan Region, including parts described as the region's "heart[land]."

Notable settlements inside the zone include Kani Masi, Barwari Bala, and Sheladize. Notable areas just outside or near the zone include the Gara Mountains, Metina Mountains, Hawt Tabaq Mountains, Batifa, Deraluk, and Bamarni, while bigger cities include Zakho, Amedi, and Duhok. The occupied areas are predominantly populated by Kurds, with smaller Christian communities. Before the Turkish military presence, the area had long been a popular tourist destination for people from the rest of Iraq.

Administrative structure Unlike in Syria, Turkish control in Iraqi Kurdistan has not resulted in the creation of proto-state structures. Administration remains in the hands of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).

Occupation force

Turkish forces

Informal estimates suggest that Turkey has a permanent deployment of 5,000 to 10,000 soldiers in the region. In July 2022, Iraqi Army Chief of Staff Abdel Emir Yarallah claimed that Turkish deployments consisted of around 4,000 troops, as well as heavy artillery, tanks, and helicopters. According to the Turkish Ministry of Defense, its special forces are also deployed in the region.

The Turkish occupation includes more than 100 military bases in the region, 89% of which have been built after 2018. Five of the bases are considered major hubs, while Gre-Barukh, built in 1997, is the largest Turkish military base in the region. It facilitates logistics and coordination for thousands of Turkish soldiers. In comparison to smaller outpost, the main military bases feature concrete blast walls, watch and communication towers and space for armoured vehicles. Turkish bases are often placed on strategic mountaintops. Turkey has built extensive road networks to connect its military bases, with the BBC estimating at least 660 km (410 miles) of roads. In February 2024, Ankara announced that a newly constructed road would "streamline the movement of military and logistical supplies to its bases in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Previously Turkey had supplied cut-off military bases through helicopters. Besides fixed military bases, Turkish forces also set up smaller military checkpoints along roads to control traffic and regularly conduct military patrols in the region.

While the Iraqi Border Guards are responsible for protecting the country's border, Turkish forces have superiority in the area and have on multiple occasions pushed back Iraqi forces, with Iraqi General Farhad Mahmoud stating in 2025, "We cannot reach the border."

Foreign fighters According to Kurdish sources, Turkey also employs "Jihadists", "Al-Nusra", "Syrian jihadists", and "former terrorists of the ISIS [Islamic State] era" in the zone. In an interview with Voice of America (VOA), the spokesman of the PKK umbrella organization, the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), claimed that jihadists had been brought in, citing PKK fighters hearing "soldiers shouting in Arabic in the heat of the battle." A VOA investigation further found that Abdurrahman Mustafa, a leader within the Syrian Interim Government, posted on X that "We are fully prepared to determine the time and place of Turkey's activities in northern Iraq," citing it as evidence of the presence of Syrian fighters. Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) spokesman Saadi Ahmad Pira also claimed that "The forces that are coming to the Kurdistan Region today include more than 300 former terrorists of the ISIS era; I have photos and names." VOA's report came amid allegations that Turkey had deployed Syrian fighters during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.

Similar allegations have also been made by third parties. The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reported that Turkey began extensively recruiting fighters from the Syrian National Army (SNA) in July 2024 for deployment to Iraqi Kurdistan, with some allegedly already having engaged in fighting against the PKK in the region. Steve Sweeney, a journalist for the Morning Star, cited testimonies from local residents alleging that members of "jihadist groups" wearing Turkish military uniforms were present in the Barwari Bala region.

Support

Turkish forces have received passive support from the KRG's main ruling party, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and its Peshmerga forces, including by encircling PKK areas and creating logistical obstacles to PKK mobility. However, the KDP avoids direct military involvement due to strong Kurdish nationalism among locals and Peshmerga forces. This cooperation has nevertheless contributed to a decline in the KDP's popularity. Some of these Kurdish forces, have been describes as being jashes. Pro-PKK outlet ANF News, has frequently criticized the KDP for supporting the Turkish Army. They allege that the KDP has deployed special forces, such as the Gulan Forces, along with heavy equipment and personnel trained by the Turkish private military contractor SADAT, to pressure PKK forces.

According to a BBC investigation, locals said that authorities in the region cooperate with the Turkish military to prevent farmers from accessing their land and arrest suspected PKK supporters and critics of Turkey's military presence. Separately, Morning Star journalist Sweeney reported that Turkey's National Intelligence Organization (MIT) and the KDP's Parastin intelligence service were believed to cooperate unofficially in the area, with residents telling him they were regularly threatened.

A conversation during Sweeney's investigation in December 2021 between him and a local resident states:

A doctor testified that he was forced to change medical records after documenting chemical injuries on a patient following a reported chemical weapons attack in the area. His testimony states:

According to Sweeney, some locals also criticized the lack of media coverage, claiming that "Rudaw and Kurdistan 24 are liars" and that they are affiliated with the Barzani family.

Impact

Civilian displacement

With the expansion of the zone, increasing numbers of civilians have been displaced as large swathes of land have been declared off-limits by Turkish forces. A 2020 Kurdistan parliamentary report stated that thousands had been displaced and whole villages emptied. According to Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT), a U.S.-based human rights organization, at least 602 villages have been directly affected by the Turkish occupation, with 162 already displaced or abandoned. According to the Iraqi Civil Society Solidarity Initiative, an estimated 500 villages have been abandoned since 2015, while a significant but unspecified number of families have been displaced due to destruction or concerns for their safety.

Salam Saeed, a farmer from Kani Masi, described the situation in his village, located near a large Turkish military base:Turkish soldiers have reportedly gone to villages and warned residents, house by house, against cooperating with the PKK, raising concerns over possible forced displacement and other restrictions that critics said could amount to violations of international humanitarian law.

Civilian deaths and injuries

Civilians inside the zone are at risk of being targeted by Turkish forces. According to CPT, Turkish military actions inside the zone since 1991 have resulted in more than 700 civilians being killed or injured. Civilians have been targeted not only by airstrikes but also by artillery, mortar, and heavy machine-gun fire from nearby Turkish military bases. In 2022, most civilian casualties were caused by attacks originating from these bases. Villages have repeatedly come under fire from these positions, while picnickers, large local gatherings, and festivals have also been targeted. CPT described this as the "terroriz[ation] of Kurdish villages."

The BBC reported that, KDP-aligned authorities in the region may have acted to help Turkey evade accountability for civilian casualties. The civilian impact of Turkish operations remains underreported.

Impact on infrastructure Civilian infrastructure has also been affected, including the destruction of houses, water wells, bridges, schools, and Assyrian churches.

Imapact on nature

According to the BBC, Turkey's construction of new roads and routes has resulted in deforestation and "left a lasting imprint" on the region's mountains. Videos and satellite images released by Rudaw in June 2021 caused outrage over alleged deforestation by Turkish forces. The hashtag #StopTurkeyEcocideKurdistan spread online, with videos showing cut-down trees and trucks hauling logs. The reports prompted reactions from politicians, including KRG spokesman Jotiar Adil, who called on Turkey to "cease its harmful and destructive activities," and Kurdish MP Chiya Sharif, who accused Turkey of committing "environmental genocide." Bella Caledonia argued that Turkish forces have deliberately destroyed forests to eliminate potential hiding places for PKK fighters, exploit timber resources, and damage the landscape because of its cultural significance to Kurds.

Land has frequently been burned due to shelling. According to CPT, approximately 55% of agricultural land in the village of Sargale, Amedi district, had been burned by Turkish bombardments in 2024. Other affected villages include Guharze, Balave, Barche, Kane, and Ashke Dere, all in the Amedi district. Additionally, orchards, vineyards, and apiaries, which are characteristic of the region, have also been regularly destroyed or abandoned due to the attacks.

Civilian reactions

Protests by the local population in the occupied zones and by Kurds elsewhere in the Kurdistan Region have been a regular occurrence in response to the occupation. In October 2007, mass protests erupted in Erbil over Turkey's planned expansion into KRI. In August 2024, in protest against the "Turkish occupation", youths from the Amedi district raised a six-meter Kurdistan flag in a village that had repeatedly been subjected to Turkish military operations. There have also been calls to boycott Turkish products.

Sheladize incident