Secular Zionism is a variant of Zionism that advocates for the establishment and development of a Jewish homeland—primarily in Land of Israel—on the basis of Jewish national identity, culture, and history, rather than religious belief or theological justification. Secular Zionism prioritizes human agency, maintaining that the security, development, and success of the Jewish state depend primarily on the actions and efforts of the Jewish people themselves, rather than on divine intervention. Secular Zionism saw itself as bringing Jews into the modern world by redefining what it means to be Jewish in terms of identification with a sovereign state, rather than Judaic faith and tradition.
Secular Zionism emerged in the late 19th century and is commonly associated with thinkers such as Theodor Herzl, who articulated the movement in largely political and secular terms. The emergence of modern Zionism was primarily secular in nature and developed within the framework of political philosophy. Secular Zionism has been described as a modern nationalist movement, but it has been internally divided over its aims and character. A key distinction is often drawn between political Zionism, associated with Theodor Herzl, which emphasized statehood and diplomatic solutions to antisemitism, and cultural Zionism, associated with Ahad Ha'am, which prioritized the revival of Jewish culture and identity.
Some accounts note that certain strands of secular Zionism adopted critical or dismissive attitudes toward traditional Judaism, viewing it as incompatible with modern nationalist ideals. At the same time, other strands sought to reinterpret or preserve elements of Jewish tradition within a secular cultural framework. However, Zionism still emerged as a largely secular nationalist movement, with many of its leading proponents identifying as non-religious or atheist, and has therefore at times been also referred to as atheist Zionism. Support for Israel has been expressed by a range of secular figures across the political spectrum, including both conservative and liberal commentators.
History Early origins
During the Egypt–Syria campaign of the French Revolutionary Wars, Napoleon I, who was secular, invited "all the Jews of Asia and Africa to gather under his flag in order to re-establish the ancient Jerusalem," an idea associated with Jacobin thought that may have originated with Thomas Corbet (1773–1804), an Anglo-Irish Protestant.
Some commentary describes early secular Zionism as emerging in the late 19th century as a political response to antisemitism in Europe, emphasizing practical state-building over religious motivation. It highlights the role of Theodor Herzl, a largely secular intellectual, whose 1896 work Der Judenstaat framed the "Jewish question" in political terms and proposed the establishment of a Jewish state as a pragmatic solution. According to this perspective, Herzl's approach reflected contemporary European nationalist movements, prioritizing diplomacy, international recognition, and territorial sovereignty rather than religious or theological claims.
This interpretation further emphasizes Herzl's role in institutionalizing the movement through the convening of the First Zionist Congress, which led to the establishment of the World Zionist Organization and the articulation of a coordinated political program. It also notes his efforts to gain support from major powers, including outreach to the German and Ottoman leadership, as well as the consideration of alternative territorial proposals such as the Uganda Plan of 1903. These elements are presented as evidence of a pragmatic and largely secular orientation in the early development of the movement.
Jewish thinker and essayist Ahad Ha'am initially saw problems in Judaism and sought out ways to revitalize the religious community and the religion itself to regenerate interest in Judaism's adherents, especially its youth. He saw nationalism as a way to reconnect Jews to Judaism, putting forth ideas of creating settlements in the Land of Israel filled with well-versed Hebrew-speakers and a core adherence to Judaism. He saw the land of Israel and the Hebrew language as integral parts of the Jewish national heritage, and not necessarily of religious significance. Urban, upper class Moroccan Jews were divided on the question of Zionism: some supported modern secular Zionism, but some who were invested in the project of Westernization saw Zionism as an obstacle to achieving assimilation and integration with the Europeans.
Foundations of secular Zionism In this interpretation, Jewish national revival was framed in political rather than religious terms, emphasizing organized diplomacy, legal frameworks, and state-building rather than messianic expectations or the restoration of religious institutions. The movement is thus presented as rooted in nationalism and as a response to antisemitism in Europe, rather than in the fulfillment of religious prophecy. It also highlights that early proposals did not universally insist on settlement in Palestine, noting that alternatives such as the Uganda Plan were considered, reflecting a pragmatic and territorial approach to the question of a Jewish homeland. The vision for the new Jew was radically different: an individual of strong moral and aesthetic values, not shackled by religion, driven by ideals and willing to challenge degrading circumstances; a liberated, dignified person eager to defend both personal and national pride. The Zionist goal of reframing of Jewish identity in secular-nationalist terms meant primarily the decline of the status of religion in the Jewish community.
Theodor Herzl is often described as approaching Zionism from a largely secular perspective, with limited emphasis on religious belief or practice. The state he envisioned was conceived as a modern, secular nation grounded in Jewish national and ethnic identity, drawing on elements of contemporary European political models. This approach was met with opposition from some Orthodox Jewish groups, as well as from Jews who rejected the concept of Jewish nationalism and instead identified primarily with the societies in which they lived. Herzl envisioned a largely secular state in which religious authority would be limited in public affairs. In his 1896 work Der Judenstaat, he indicated that religious figures should remain within the sphere of religious institutions rather than exert influence over state governance. Between 1870 and 1897, more than 20 Jewish communities were established in Palestine, prior to the convening of the First Zionist Congress. These initiatives were undertaken by several groups, specifically Hovevei Zion, a system of local proto-Zionist associations in Eastern Europe. The movement brought together both secular and religious Jews who shared the objective of establishing a presence in the Land of Israel, and its organized and practical efforts helped lay the groundwork for later Zionist activity.
Ideological development
Within labor Zionism, Berl Katznelson emerged as a central figure and leading interpreter of the ideas of Ber Borochov. After immigrating to the Land of Israel in 1909, he became a prominent intellectual and public leader, including as founder and editor of the newspaper Davar. Katznelson advocated the integration of Jewish cultural traditions—particularly the Hebrew language and historical memory—into a modern, secular socialist framework, emphasizing the reinterpretation of tradition rather than its rejection. His approach reflected a broader tendency within labor Zionism to adapt Jewish heritage to contemporary social and national life while maintaining a commitment to socialist ideals, and it influenced institutions such as the kibbutz movement and the wider labor movement in pre-state Jewish society.
The Histadrut was established in 1920 in pre-state Palestine to organise Jewish workers and promote a secular socialist Zionist movement. Owing to its strong organisational capacity and influence, it had attracted a large majority of the workforce by the time the State of Israel was founded in 1948, with approximately 75 per cent of workers affiliated. The secularist General Zionist party supported a unified system of education (as it contributed to the passage of the 1953 State Education Law) and a written constitution to enshrine democratic freedom and civil rights. The Progressive Party, formed in 1948, was a liberal party, most of whose founders came from the ranks of the progressive New Aliyah Party and HaOved HaTzioni, which had been active prior to independence.
In an effort to present a unified political position and address concerns that a Jewish state would be predominantly secular, David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister and a central figure in the establishment of the state, sent a letter to leaders of the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community proposing what later became known as the Status Quo Agreement. In this proposal, he sought their support in exchange for incorporating key elements of Jewish religious practice into state policy, including observance of Shabbat, adherence to Kashrut, and religious authority over matters of marriage and education. Following internal deliberations, religious representatives agreed to the arrangement, which helped shape the relationship between secular and ultra-Orthodox communities in the emerging state. The agreement was reached during the visit of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, which was present in the region for a limited period.
The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s marked a turning point in tensions between secular and religious Zionist perspectives, with many religious Zionists strongly opposing the agreements. They often interpreted the peace process as an expression of secular Zionism's departure from core nationalist principles, leading to increased criticism of secular approaches as lacking a substantive ideological or spiritual foundation. Despite this criticism, the state itself remained central within religious Zionist thought. Rather than rejecting the secular state, religious Zionist thinkers sought to resolve the tension by attributing religious significance to the state and to Zionist nationalism, elevating them as key components of their ideological and theological framework. The base of the party Yisrael Beiteinu originally consisted of secular, Russian-speaking immigrants, although support from that demographic is in decline.
Irreligion and secularism in Israel Atheism and secularism