Pentecostalism in Latin America refers to the Pentecostal movement in Latin America. It is the second largest religious movement in the region, with approximately 30% of the population identifying with it, including the charismatic movement within the Catholic Church and Protestant churches. Pentecostals are the fastest-growing Christian denomination, exerting a stronger influence in Latin America than in any other region worldwide. Pentecostalism is not a unified movement and has never formed a single structure encompassing all believers, with various branches often competing with one another.

The Pentecostal movement first reached Chile on 12 September 1909, followed by Argentina and Brazil in 1910, Peru in 1911, Nicaragua in 1912, Mexico in 1914, and Puerto Rico and Guatemala in 1916. It later spread to other Latin American countries. Scholars disagree on the reasons for its rapid growth, citing factors such as political support from the United States, social advancement of adherents, and environmental adaptation.

Initially, Pentecostals showed little interest in social issues and declared political neutrality. As their numbers grew, so did their engagement with these matters. Latin American Pentecostalism has been studied by scholars such as Emilio Willems (1967), Christian Lalive D'Epinay (1968 and 1975), David Martin (1990 and 2002), André Corten (1995), Jean-Pierre Bastian (1997), Timothy J. Steigenga (2001), and William Mauricio Beltrán Cely (2010).

Main streams of Pentecostalism

The first Pentecostal denominations in Latin America were established before the major denominations in the United States. Consequently, American Pentecostalism did not shape the movement in countries like Chile, Argentina, and Brazil, though it influenced Central American countries, where it still differs from its American counterpart. Scholars note that Latin American Pentecostalism cannot be classified in the same way as North American Pentecostalism.

Vinson Synan identifies five groups within Pentecostalism: classical Pentecostals (Assemblies of God, Church of God), Protestant charismatics, Catholic charismatics, independent Pentecostals, and indigenous churches in the Third World, most of which are Pentecostal. Carmelo E. Alvarez categorizes three groups: churches founded by immigrants (e.g., Christian Congregation in Brazil), which were independent from the start; churches established by foreign missions (often from the US), initially reliant on external funding but later independent, shaped by North American models; and indigenous churches with no ties to foreign denominations or funds. Pentecostals in historical Protestant churches and the Catholic Church are classified as a separate group – neopentecostals.

Sociologist William Mauricio Beltrán Cely identifies three main streams of Pentecostalism in Latin America, which, despite similarities, differ in teachings on life and salvation. The first includes denominations from the early 20th century with a fundamentalist character. The second comprises neopentecostal (charismatic) churches, sharing traits with the prosperity gospel. The third has sectarian characteristics. Each stream has its own theology, recruitment methods, and community structure.

The first stream is closely tied to Protestantism and marked by radicalism, rooted in the 19th-century holiness movement, seeking a return to primitive Christianity in opposition to liberal theology. Conversion entails renouncing worldly pleasures, such as alcohol, dancing, fashion, cinema, and secular music, with violations risking expulsion. The world is seen as evil, requiring believers to separate themselves and adopt the role of Christ's soldiers, limiting social contacts. Membership does not guarantee salvation.

The second stream is less radical, allowing greater freedom in dress and behavior, with a more universal and conformist doctrine. Poverty, unemployment, health issues, and other misfortunes are attributed to a lack of faith. A key practice is "giving to receive a hundredfold", with high tithing and donations for charitable causes. Prosperity is viewed as God's blessing. Despite differences, distinguishing between Pentecostals and charismatics is challenging, as fundamentalists dominate among Pentecostals but are a minority among charismatics. Pentecostals are more institutionalized, originating in the 1890s–1920s, while charismatics emerged in the 1950s–1960s.

The third stream incorporates local beliefs, both indigenous and African, emphasizing miracles (especially exorcisms) and practices to achieve them, with personal testimonies central and little focus on eternal salvation.

The largest Pentecostal denomination in Latin America is the Assemblies of God, predominant in Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, and several Central American countries.

Pentecostals emphasize the autonomy of local congregations and oppose hierarchical, centralized church structures, though communities collaborate, organizing global and local Pentecostal congresses. Religious experience outweighs doctrine in the Pentecostal movement, and centers on the "baptism in the Holy Spirit" and manifestations like glossolalia, healing, and prophecy as direct evidence of faith.

Significance and influence

Pentecostalism began playing a significant political role in Latin America from the 1980s. By 5 October 2006, Guatemala had two Pentecostal presidents, about 10% of Brazil's parliamentarians were Pentecostals, Chile's Pentecostals annually organized Independence Day events, and in Nicaragua, Pentecostals formed a political party that ran a presidential candidate and won congressional seats.

The movement's growth coincided with regional democratization. On 1 January 1976, only nine countries were considered free, while 18 were unfree or partially free. By 1 January 2006, 22 were free, and 11 were unfree or partially free. Democratization enabled social groups, including Pentecostals, to organize.

The Catholic Church often held a privileged position, supported by governments through religious education in schools and exclusive access to hospitals and the military, sometimes into the late 1990s. Pentecostals engaged in politics to end Catholic privileges or secure equal rights for Protestants.

Issues like abortion and homosexuality were not cultural battlegrounds as in the US, given the region's conservatism. Center and left-wing groups in some countries pushed for liberalization, prompting Pentecostal political mobilization. In Brazil in 1986, efforts to block liberalization on homosexuality succeeded, but those on abortion failed.

Politicians increasingly courted Pentecostal voters. On 1 November 2002, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva openly sought Pentecostal and evangelical votes. On 15 March 2005, Brazil's Workers' Party, co-founded by Lula, allied with the Republican Party, backed by the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God.

Criticism emerged as Pentecostal influence grew. Pope John Paul II called their rise an "invasion of sects", undermining Catholic culture and societal cohesion, on 15 March 1992. Pentecostal leaders, including a former Guatemalan president, labeled the Catholic Church a source of corruption and backwardness. Leftists accused Pentecostals of serving US economic and political interests.

Due to its diversity, assessing Pentecostalism's political impact is complex. Some scholars see clear influence, while others note conflicting views, describing Pentecostals as politically passive or right-wing and authoritarian. By 5 October 2006, Pentecostals significantly influenced politics in Brazil, Chile, and Guatemala, with distinct impacts in each, likely deepening long-term. Sociologist Miguel Ángel Mansilla described Brazilian, Peruvian, and Ecuadorian Pentecostals as engaging in political guerrilla tactics, while Chilean Pentecostals stood out positively. Pastor Juan Sepúlveda argued, based on Chilean Pentecostals, that they exhibit pluralism, spanning left, right, or apolitical stances.

Social issues and politics

Politics

Initially, Pentecostals avoided politics. Lalive d'Epinay, studying Chilean Pentecostals in the 1960s, found 50% of pastors banned union membership, 64% believed the church should avoid politics, and 85% prohibited political involvement. D'Epinay concluded Pentecostals supported the status quo, a view shared by others. David Martin in the 1990s described Pentecostalism as apolitical. However, social engagement later increased, making Pentecostals visible in public spheres.

Pentecostals show political pluralism. Influences include US impact, their representation of marginalized groups, Catholic culture, Pentecostal theology, and divides between leaders and followers. Sean Samuel O'Neil noted US influence, particularly in Guatemala and Nicaragua, though it can be overstated. Pentecostals range from conservative to progressive, occasionally adopting Catholic elements like corporatism in Chile and Brazil's "Brazil for Christ" denomination. Critics attribute controversial decisions by Pentecostal politicians to literal biblical interpretations.

Pentecostals are less politically active than Catholics and traditional Protestants.

Women's emancipation

Latin American culture, rooted in Mediterranean Catholicism, historically excluded women from public life and church leadership. Liberation theology and Pentecostalism challenged this. Pentecostalism enabled women's activity beyond the household, with women's meetings, leadership in mixed gatherings, faith healing, church planting, and missionary work. On 15 November 1975, Cornelia B. Flora noted that Pentecostal women could achieve higher status than men due to roles based on charisma, like preaching.

Flora's study on 15 November 1975 in Colombia showed Pentecostalism elevating women's status among the poorest classes. Edward Cleary in 1992 suggested Pentecostalism often boosts women's social activity. Women play significant roles, though not at the highest levels, enjoying more autonomy than formal structures suggest. Many husbands, influenced by wives, join churches, abandon machismo, take family responsibilities, and treat spouses as equals. Sociologists note Pentecostalism's role in women's emancipation in a machismo-dominated world.

Latin American Pentecostalism promotes strong families, responsible husbands, and spousal equality, rejecting moral relativism and emphasizing fidelity and responsibility. Conversion fosters mobilization and self-worth, positively impacting marriage, health, work, and education.

Zionism

Pentecostals differ from Catholics and traditional Protestants in their support for Israel and Zionism, driven by dispensationalist eschatology from the Plymouth Brethren. This is prominent in Central America, attributed to US proximity or the late-19th-century Central American Mission, which popularized dispensationalism. Venezuelan Pentecostals also support Zionism, despite the country's anti-Israel stance, providing theological backing for Israel. In Chile, indigenous Pentecostals (Methodist Pentecostals) show mild pro-Zionist leanings, stronger among those influenced by American Pentecostalism.

Per Pew Forum on 5 October 2006, in Brazil, nine classical Pentecostals supported Israel for every one supporting Palestinians; in Guatemala, the ratio was 20:1, and in Chile, 7:1. Neopentecostal support for Israel was lower in all three.

Fundamentalism

Pentecostalism shares traits with Christian fundamentalism, believing God acts throughout history. Unlike other fundamentalists, Pentecostals emphasize experience, believing miracles from the Acts of the Apostles occur today. This allows women leadership roles, verified by experience rather than doctrine.

Statistics and demographics