The Republic of Cuba in Arms () was the government that occupied the revolutionary pre-republican era of Cuba that existed in two periods, the first period occurring during the Ten Years' War from 1868 to 1878, governed by the Guáimaro Constitution, and the second period, following the Little War, occurring during the Cuban War of Independence from 1895 to 1899, governed by the Jimaguayú Constitution. The first President of the Cuban Republic in Arms was Carlos Manuel de Céspedes. The first Vice President of the Republic in Arms was Francisco Vicente Aguilera.
Tenure of President Carlos Manuel de Céspedes (1868–1873)
The Cry of Yara
On October 10, 1868, the Bell of La Demajagua was rung at the Demajagua farm, gathering the slaves and free men in the surrounding area to hear a proclamation of freedom by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes who was standing on the roof of the building. Carlos Manuel also freed his slaves.
On October 10, 1868, the Cuban Declaration of Independence was signed.
Adoption of the Guáimaro Constitution
In February, 1869, the Guáimaro Constitution was signed at the San Francisco estate, the home of Domingo Méndez Capote.
On April 10, 1869, despite internal divisions among separatist forces, the first Constitution of Cuba was adopted in Guaímaro. Drafted by Ignacio Agramonte and Antonio Zambrana, it established a parliamentary republic and enshrined key principles of governance and social equality.
Among its provisions, Article 24 declared that “all the inhabitants of the Republic are completely free,” reaffirming the abolition of slavery. This was reinforced by a law passed on March 10, 1870, which nullified coercive contracts imposed on Chinese immigrants, who had been subjected to exploitation. Additionally, Article 25 stated that all citizens of the Republic were to be considered soldiers of the Liberation Army, while Article 26 proclaimed the principle of equality, rejecting special privileges and titles of nobility.
On April 12, 1869, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes was elected President of the Republic in Arms by the Legislative Assembly, while Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, a political opponent of Céspedes, was appointed President of the House of Representatives. Manuel de Quesada y Loynaz was designated as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
The Constitution of Guaímaro granted extensive powers to Parliament, including the authority to remove both the President and the Military Chief. However, Céspedes favored a strong executive power, arguing that swift decision-making was essential for military success. He viewed the establishment of a fully functional republic as secondary to securing independence through war, believing that the revolution required a centralized authority capable of responding quickly to military challenges.
In his official address to the Cuban people, Céspedes called for national unity, emphasizing the gravity of the revolutionary struggle:
As President, Céspedes sought to expand the war across the entire island, transforming it into a truly national movement. He divided Cuba into four military regions: Oriente, Camagüey, Las Villas, and Occidente. Each region was overseen by a Lieutenant-General for military affairs and a civil governor for administrative control. These were further subdivided into districts, governed by Major Generals and Lieutenant Governors, and into prefectures and sub-prefectures, led by prefects and sub-prefects.
Céspedes also pursued economic warfare against Spain. On October 18, 1869, he issued a decree ordering the destruction of sugar cane fields, aiming to weaken Spanish economic interests in Cuba. Militarily, he adopted guerrilla warfare tactics, recognizing that the Spanish army had superior numbers and weaponry, while Cuban insurgents relied on captured enemy supplies and limited foreign support.
Diplomacy At the diplomatic level, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes actively sought international recognition for the Cuban revolutionary movement and its status as a belligerent force. His efforts aimed to secure legitimacy and support from foreign governments, particularly in Latin America.
On April 5, 1869, Mexico, under Benito Juárez, became the first nation to officially recognize the Cuban revolutionaries, establishing a precedent of Mexican solidarity with Cuban independence struggles. Later that month, on April 30, Chile also recognized the revolutionaries as legitimate "belligerents," followed by;
Venezuela, May 1869 Peru and Bolivia, June 1869 Brazil, July 1869 Colombia.
Other Latin American states extended formal recognition in the following years. Among the American states, Colombia and Venezuela emerged as the strongest allies of the Cuban independence movement. In a letter to Francisco Sánchez Betancourt, a representative from Camagüey, Céspedes expressed his confidence in these two nations, noting that:
Despite these diplomatic successes, Céspedes lamented the lack of substantial material support from most of South America. In a letter to the Cuban House of Representatives on March 10, 1872, he acknowledged that aside from expressions of sympathy and some aid from Colombia and Venezuela, no significant assistance had materialized.
Céspedes held Venezuela in high regard, viewing it as the birthplace of Spanish America’s struggle for independence. In a letter dated August 10, 1871, addressed to José Ruperto Monagas, former President of Venezuela, Céspedes expressed admiration for the country’s revolutionary legacy:
Spanish response In response to Cuba’s growing diplomatic efforts and international support, Madrid intensified its military and logistical efforts to crush the revolution. The Spanish government increased its deployment of troops and resources in an attempt to suppress the independence movement and prevent foreign intervention in the conflict.
Spain launched an all-out campaign to crush the Cuban independence movement, employing ruthless tactics to eliminate separatist forces. Under the command of Count Valmaseda, Spanish forces declared a war of extermination, imposing severe measures such as executing any man found outside his residence without justification and burning homes that did not display a white flag. In response, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes sought unity among the revolutionary ranks to withstand the onslaught, but political divisions weakened the movement. In December 1869, the Cuban House of Representatives removed Manuel de Quesada, a skilled military leader, from his post, sparking tensions between those who prioritized military pragmatism and those who insisted on adherence to constitutional governance. Quesada urged Céspedes to establish a dictatorship to ensure military effectiveness, but Céspedes categorically refused, committed to preserving the republic’s democratic principles.
Internal strife intensified when Major General Ignacio Agramonte resigned in April 1870 following a dispute with Céspedes, openly criticizing the leadership. Although Agramonte later reconciled with the movement, opposition factions within Congress sought to remove Céspedes from power, using relentless political maneuvers to undermine his authority. The President’s personal secretary, Carlos Pérez, lamented the growing hostility from Camagüey representatives, who actively discredited Céspedes amid an escalating war. At the same time, Spain dealt a devastating personal blow to Céspedes—his son, Oscar de Céspedes, was captured and executed after the President refused to surrender in exchange for his life. This sacrifice cemented Céspedes’ legacy, earning him the title “Father of the Homeland” among Cubans.
Despite his loss, Céspedes remained steadfast in his leadership, though his opponents continued their efforts to remove him. By late 1870, rumors of his impending impeachment circulated, but he maintained his composure, asserting that history would judge the true culprits of division. Meanwhile, Cuba continued to receive external support, particularly from Colombian volunteers, who landed on the island in early 1870 to join the fight. Céspedes expressed gratitude for their solidarity, pledging to treat them as brothers-in-arms. He also acknowledged the Colombian Senate’s resolutions in favor of the Cuban cause, recognizing them as a vital expression of continental support for the revolution. However, he remained acutely aware that the survival of the independence movement depended on resolving internal conflicts and ensuring discipline among revolutionary factions.
By 1871, Céspedes intensified his calls for unity, urging patriots abroad and military leaders to set aside their differences in favor of the greater cause. However, divisions persisted, and political intrigue weakened his administration. Frustrated by legislative restrictions that hampered his leadership, he offered to resign in June 1871, though his government convinced him to remain. He continued to inspire resistance, denouncing Spanish atrocities while calling on the Cuban people to persevere. Despite his dwindling political influence, Céspedes placed his hopes in the unwavering courage of commanders like Máximo Gómez and Antonio Maceo, believing that the revolution would ultimately triumph over Spain’s superior weaponry and brutality. However, with Spain’s relentless military pressure and Cuba’s dire shortage of arms and resources, the war for independence remained an uphill battle.
Downfall of the first President Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, in his correspondence, articulated the Cuban War of Independence as a struggle for dignity and self-determination rather than a rejection of Spanish heritage. He viewed Cuba’s emancipation as a natural step in its development, necessitated by its unique conditions and progress. His presidency, however, was marked by internal strife, particularly opposition from Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, who sought to undermine him. Céspedes faced increasing challenges from within the revolutionary movement, including efforts to weaken his authority and ultimately remove him from power. Despite these obstacles, he remained committed to the rule of law and the ideals of independence, rejecting any descent into dictatorship or fratricidal conflict.
Following his ousting in 1873, Céspedes was politically isolated, deprived of the means to leave Cuba, and humiliated by his successors. Yet, he continued his dedication to Cuban independence, even as he spent his final days in exile in the Sierra Maestra, teaching local children. His death in 1874, resisting capture by Spanish forces, cemented his legacy as a martyr for Cuban freedom. His dismissal is widely regarded as a pivotal mistake that weakened the revolution, leading to its eventual failure in the Pact of Zanjón.
Presidents in the remainder of the Ten Years' War (1873–1878) After Carlos Manuel de Céspedes was removed as President of the Republic in Arms in 1873, the leadership of the Cuban independence movement continued to shift amid growing internal divisions and external pressures from Spain. Salvador Cisneros Betancourt assumed the presidency on October 27, 1873, following Céspedes’ ousting. However, his leadership struggled with maintaining unity among the revolutionary forces. While Cisneros worked to sustain the cause of Cuban independence, internal disputes worsened, leading to his replacement by Juan Bautista Spotorno in July 1875. Spotorno's presidency was marked by attempts to reorganize the government and sustain the war effort, but the ongoing internal strife and lack of resources led to his resignation in early 1876.