During the Restoration, the French Republicans campaigned for the monarchy's abolition. They were excluded from decision-making due to an electoral system that favored the bourgeoisie and nobility, supporters of the regime. Nevertheless, they were present in the Chamber of Deputies from 1816, following the dissolution of the Chambre introuvable (Unobtainable Chamber), which had decimated their ranks. Gradually, the Republicans established themselves as a political force; however, this was disrupted by the assassination of the king's nephew, the Duke of Berry, heir to the throne, on 14 February 1820, which prompted the government to implement repressive measures.
The Republican movement originated in secrecy, gathering its supporters in clandestine societies such as the Carbonari and disseminating its ideology through the press. In 1820, confronted with the Restoration's rightward trajectory, Republicans resolved to overthrow the monarchy and planned several insurrections, all of which failed, leading to the exile of key leaders or exemplary trials resulting in capital punishment.
Following these unsuccessful attempts to seize power, the Republicans rebuilt from within with the arrival of a new generation at the start of Charles X's reign. The idea of an alliance with moderate royalists emerged in response to the reactionary measures taken by Villèle and Charles X. Moderates joined clandestine societies, while Republicans collaborated with the liberal press. The success of this alliance in the 1827 legislative elections reinforced their belief that it would one day enable them to gain power.
The situation intensified following the appointment of the Count of Polignac as head of the government. Republicans clandestinely organized a new insurrection and played a pivotal role in the Three Glorious Days; however, Adolphe Thiers and the liberals redirected the revolution to their advantage, resulting in the establishment of a second parliamentary monarchy rather than a republic.
Restructuring and repression
White terror: Republicans in the shadows
In 1815, Louis XVIII returned to France following Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo. He could not contain the Ultra-royalists’ fervor, incited by the Hundred Days, Napoleon's brief return to power that had forced Louis XVIII into exile. The ultras implemented the White Terror, which resulted in the massacre of Empire generals, Protestants, and Republicans by the verdets. This unofficial repression was further reinforced by legal terror. Since the August 1815 elections, the ultras' desire for revenge was legitimized by the ultra-royalist majority in the Chamber of Deputies, also known as the Chambre Introuvable. This body enacted legislation by this ideology, including the 1816 law on the exile of regicides, which condemned those who had voted for Louis XVI's death during the Convention to banishment.
At the time, the term "Republic" was still a word that evoked fear in many French people. They associated it with the Jacobin Terror of 1793–1794 and its excesses, epitomized by the Committee of Public Safety, particularly Robespierre. They overlooked the revolutionary gains the Republic had conveyed and defended against a monarchical Europe. Instead, they remembered only the guillotine and disorder. While the Republic scared some, it also symbolized progress for others. In 1815, a significant Jacobin opinion remained among the French populace, to the extent that new royal administration officials avoided showing themselves for fear of reprisals. Louis XVIII hastily removed symbols inherited from the Revolution (painters and masons were officially tasked with erasing the motto "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" from all villages) and purged the administration by eliminating "men of ill spirit." The aforementioned individuals were subsequently integrated into the ranks of liberals who were opposed to conservatives and ultras.
In 1816, Louis XVIII dissolved the Chambre introuvable, and new elections were held in a climate more favorable to the Republicans. A dozen of them entered the chamber following these elections. They were called liberals because they constantly spoke of freedoms and were aligned with the progressive liberal left, which was far from Republican. The group was led by La Fayette, a renowned general who had served in royal (during the American Revolutionary War) and revolutionary armies. It was composed of individuals who had participated in the Revolution and were considered "first-generation patriots." They united around the idea of defending liberties. Generally, these liberals accepted the 1814 Charter, which they viewed as a guarantee of maintaining revolutionary freedoms. However, their main concern was the return of the nobility to power. The Republican Party drew most of its members from students, the petty bourgeoisie, and the military. These individuals were eager to return to a regime that honored the army's glory.
Successes and underground organization
The results of the 1818 partial legislative elections were a significant shock to Louis XVIII and his ministers. The Republicans gained a significant number of seats, with two former convention members, Pierre Daunou in Finistère and Jacques-Antoine Manuel in Vendée, being elected. The election of Republicans in traditionally royalist strongholds alarmed both ultras and government members. Republicans and liberals continued to make progress. Two emblematic figures entered the chamber in 1819: Benjamin Constant, a liberal and principal drafter of the Charter, and Abbé Grégoire, a former revolutionary regicide by letter and consent.; These symbolic victories led to a massive youth rally in favor of the Republic, and various secret societies were founded. Some Republicans returned from exile and joined these societies, such as the Cavaignac and Carnot families. Some deputies expressed concern about the legitimacy of Abbé Grégoire's election.
The Republican Party was compelled to operate in secrecy due to the illegality of gatherings of more than 20 individuals under Article 291 of the 1810 Penal Code. They met in clandestine societies, the sole permissible form of political organization and the optimal means of expressing their distrust of the monarchy and its regime. The Union, established by Joseph Rey in 1816, was the inaugural such society. Initially liberal, many Republicans joined the Charbonnerie, which remained the most famous Republican secret society, such as La Fayette and Dupont de l'Eure. Imported from Italy, it recruited members from trusted circles, namely the army and universities, which were the Carbonari's reservoirs throughout the Restoration. The Charbonnerie was divided into regional "sales," which were hierarchically organized at the national level. At the apex of this structure was a High Sale, which served as the directing body of the French Carbonari, which commanded cantonal and departmental sales. In a relatively short period, the Charbonnerie became the most important secret society opposing the monarchy. It was more influential than the Friends of Truth or the Knights of Liberty, which were established in the West. Initially, these societies were not taken seriously by the executive. However, their role in the Republican successes of 1818 made the government realize that they were far more powerful than initially thought. All Republicans participated during the 1820s, including Dupont de l'Eure, who was one of the architects of the Second Republic's establishment two decades later.
Freemasonry also played a role in the Republican movement's success. It allowed many students to interact with "party notables" like La Fayette or Dupont de l'Eure. Furthermore, it united these clandestine networks, enabling the creation of the High Sale. Consequently, when Republican deputies resigned in 1820 following the enactment of the double-vote law, the unification of clandestine societies enabled Republican leaders to rely on a substantial illegal opposition to the monarchy and to use the power of numbers against the Bourbon regime.
Repression by the authorities
Republican ideas began to spread throughout Europe, alarming monarchs who took these shadowy figures seriously. Metternich, the promoter of sovereign rights in opposition to people's rights for European stability at the Congress of Vienna, decided to act against what he considered disruptive elements in the Holy Alliance's Europe. He convened international congresses to severely suppress clandestine nationalist Republican associations and promulgated the Carlsbad Decrees, a sort of precursor to Interpol, to ensure peace and stability. The French government rigorously implemented Metternich's policies. Professors who espoused Republican ideals were dismissed, and the Church regained a dominant role in education, raising concerns about a return to the Ancien régime. Authoritarian measures were also enacted, such as imposing a curfew to prevent clandestine meetings. Despite this European repression, sovereigns continued to be concerned about a revolution. These concerns were validated by the brief deposition of Spanish King Ferdinand VII, who was deposed by the military with the backing of Italian revolutionary groups due to his reluctance to implement the constitution.
The assassination of the Duke of Berry on 13 February 1820, by the Bonapartist worker Louis Pierre Louvel confirmed the trend initiated in Spain. As the future of the dynasty depended on the Duke, his death was perceived as regicide, and the assassination could not, in contemporary minds, be the act of a lone man. The ultras lashed out at the Decazes ministry, deemed too liberal and responsible for the situation. The ultras' return to the chamber in 1820 and the more authoritarian second Richelieu ministry further exacerbated tensions between the regime and the population. In response, the ultras passed a series of repressive laws, including the press censorship law of 30 March 1820, which suspended the freedom of the press, and the Double-vote Law of 12 June 1820, which was enacted in reaction to the relative liberal gains made in partial legislative elections. These laws were perceived as contravening the spirit of the Charter by liberals, whose reelection and aspirations to gain power were undermined by the new electoral law. Many liberal deputies resorted to illegality and Republican societies. Moreover, the ultras extended their control over potentially seditious elements. This was evidenced by the intensification of repression against professors advocating political liberalism, with Guizot's lectures being suspended in 1821. Additionally, the ultras strengthened Baron Mounier's police force to ensure the arrest and prosecution of all carbonari. These decisions solidified the liberal deputies' break with legality.
The assassination of the Duke of Berry deepened divisions, as hostility towards the Bourbons became overt. In the following days, there were numerous instances of symbolic acts favoring Napoleon's return. The government's repression galvanized students and soldiers dreaming of regime change, particularly in light of the measures taken in 1819 and 1820. The population, largely outraged by the press censorship and double-vote laws, supported the clandestine. Demonstrations in support of Napoleon were perceived as a provocation by the Richelieu ministry. Mounier, the police's general director, sent a dispatch on 27 December 1820, to 23 prefects in dangerous departments, indicating an imminent major plot against the regime. The government was now aware of the significance of this clandestine force and the threat it posed.
The "true national opposition"
Expansion of the opposition movement