The Kinshasa Central Market (French: Marché Central de Kinshasa, formerly Marché Publique), also known colloquially as Zando ya Monene or Zando in Lingala, is a marketplace located in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo.Mesa, H. (2024). Rethinking Regulation beyond the Normative Threshold: Mechanisms of Control and Access to the Central Market of Kinshasa. Africa Spectrum, 59(3), 395-417. https://doi.org/10.1177/00020397241288617 Spanning approximately 72.5 hectares in the city center, it is one of the city's most prominent and historic marketplaces. Its known for its variety of manufactured goods and larger retail outlets.
Initially inaugurated in January 1944 under Belgian colonial rule by Vice Governor General Paul Ermens and District Commissioner Roger Le Bussy, the market underwent significant transformation following Congolese independence, including a complete demolition and reconstruction in 1968, as part of Mobutu Sese Seko's Authenticité campaign, which promoted national identity and sought to reduce foreign corporate influence. During Mobutu's presidency, the market was Kinshasa's largest trading center until it was eventually eclipsed by the Marché de la Liberté under President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. As of May 1989, the market accommodated 15,500 vendors. By 2020, that number had risen to 35,000 vendors.
On 20 January 2021, the marketplace was temporarily shut down for rehabilitation work by the provincial Minister of Agriculture, Kanza Ne Kongo, who represent Governor Gentiny Ngobila Mbaka.
Geography
Location and environment The Kinshasa Central Market spans approximately 72.5 hectares in the heart of Kinshasa. It is strategically situated in a densely populated urban area and is bordered by multiple neighborhoods (quartiers) and communes. To the north, it adjoins the Révolution and Commerce neighborhoods along Commerce Avenue in the Gombe commune; to the south, it borders the Madimba and Bitshiaku-Tshiaku neighborhoods along Kilosa Avenue in the communes of Kinshasa and Barumbu. The eastern boundary runs along Kasaï Avenue, adjacent to the Bitshiaku-Tshiaku and Commerce neighborhoods in Barumbu and Gombe, while to the west, it is bounded by the Ngbaka and Golf neighborhoods along Kasa-Vubu Avenue, within the communes of Kinshasa and Gombe.
The market is located on the low-lying plains of Kinshasa at an elevation of under 300 meters above sea level. The topography is predominantly flat, with gradients ranging between 0 and 4%, which contributes to poor natural drainage. This results in recurrent flooding, particularly during the rainy season, as the water table in some areas rises to ground level, causing capillary action and saturation of the soil. The terrain is composed mainly of sandy soils with clay content, which become excessively dusty in the dry season and muddy during the rains.
Although the surrounding area includes botanical and zoological gardens, the market itself lacks significant vegetation. It lies within Kinshasa's tropical climate zone, characterized by a distinct rainy season and dry season, with average temperatures ranging from 28 °C to 30 °C. The Bitshakutshaku River, a minor tributary of the Congo River, flows through the vicinity of the market.
Organization and operation The governance of the market is defined by Decree No. SC/0027/BGV/CO/Ju/NB/2006 of 28 June 2006, which establishes the administrative and functional framework for its operation. It falls under the jurisdiction of the city-province of Kinshasa, with the governor formally designated as the urban authority responsible for appointing market administrators and regulating their organization and operations. However, governance has evolved within the national context of decentralization, a process that was initiated in 2007. Under this system, urban markets are now considered a provincial matter. The provincial governor, no longer appointed by the president but elected by the provincial assembly and shares responsibility with various provincial ministers for the enforcement of decrees related to the market, including those overseeing finance, small and medium enterprises, decentralization, population, and security.
The provincial assembly also ensures the good governance of the market, which is legally categorized as a public revenue-generating entity. In theory, this governance structure makes the market an exclusive responsibility of the city and its provincial institutions. In practice, however, governance is often complicated by informal interventions from actors at the national level, particularly from the central government and the Presidency, which exert influence over market affairs to pursue their own interests.
As part of efforts to modernize the market's infrastructure and operations, the city of Kinshasa entered into a build–operate–transfer (BOT) agreement in 2005 with SAFRICOM (Société Africaine de Commerce), a private company owned by Lebanese entrepreneur Hassan Mourad. Under this agreement, SAFRICOM undertook the renovation of the market, while maintaining its traditional architectural form, and assumed managerial responsibilities, including the recruitment of operational staff to optimize revenue collection. However, this arrangement was terminated unilaterally on 7 November 2019 by the newly elected governor, Gentiny Ngobila Mbaka, who cited lack of transparency and allegations of financial mismanagement with SAFRICOM and political figures associated with the prior administration.
The management framework is divided into three main bodies:
Management Committee: Administers the quotidian affairs of the market. It consists of a managing director, an assistant administrator in charge of administration and finance, and another assistant administrator responsible for technical matters. All members of this triad are appointed and may be dismissed at the discretion of the Governor of Kinshasa. Financial Unit: Tasked with fiscal oversight, this unit encompasses an accounting inspector appointed by the central government, a budget officer, and a delegated authorizing official designated by the urban directorate. This unit ensures compliance with financial regulations and manages the allocation and control of market revenues. Technical cells and specialized services: These are governmental service extensions operating within the market under the supervision of the management committee. Their functions align with those prescribed by national laws and urban administrative directives. The services include representatives from various ministries and state bodies: Ministry of National Economy Ministry of Industry and Development of Small and Medium-sized Enterprises, Small and Medium-sized Industries (Ministère de l'Industrie et Développement des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises, Petites et Moyennes Industries) Ministry of Budget Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Ministry of the Environment and Nature Conservation Ministry of Public Health (Hygiene and Health Division) Ministry of the Interior and Security (National Police) Agence Nationale de Renseignements (ANR), under the Presidency of the Republic
Practical norms Informal leasing, stall management, revenue distribution, and deviations
Vendors wishing to rent a shop in the market are officially required to pay a rental guarantee and a monthly rent set by urban government decree. These shops may not be sublet, nor can lease agreements be transferred informally. In contrast, stallholders do not pay a guarantee or monthly rent; instead, they pay a daily occupancy fee, which is also regulated by decree. Despite these rules, enforcement is often inconsistent. In practice, vendors sometimes transfer their usage rights informally, and enforcement of abandonment clauses (e.g., losing a stall due to prolonged absence) is irregular.
Official decrees establish a revenue-sharing formula for stall rental fees: 5% to the urban treasury, 65% for market operations and sanitation, 20% for the city hall's market management board, and 5% each for the local commune and vendors' unions. However, this distribution is frequently compromised. Administrators often divert funds to satisfy informal demands from senior public officials, political patrons, or clientelist networks. This reallocation reduces the resources available for market maintenance and operations. Vendors' unions frequently report not receiving their designated shares, and in some instances, administrators have opted to pay undeclared commissions to union delegates directly, undermining the unions' financial independence and organizational strength.
Sanitation tax, revenue manipulation, and identification form fees A "sanitation tax" was introduced to address sanitation challenges and compensate for revenue shortfalls through a memorandum of understanding between the market administration and the Congo National Vendors' Union (Le Syndicat national des Vendeurs du Congo). This surcharge, initially set at 100 FC and later raised to 200 FC per stall, was meant to be used 80% for sanitation and 20% for union activities and pavilion chiefs. However, as with other revenue allocations, enforcement of this arrangement was weak, with widespread deviations from the agreed distribution.
Though not mandated by any legal instrument, market administrators introduced a $5 fee per vendor for identification forms, arguing the need for census and regulatory purposes. The imposition of this fee sparked competition between the provincial Ministries of the Interior and Finance over revenue ownership. A compromise was reached via the creation of a liaison committee, comprising officials from the urban government, market administration, and vendors' unions, which led to a new informal revenue-sharing scheme. Over time, the identification fee became a recurrent tool for raising funds, diverging further from any formal legal mandate.
Delegated authority and pavilion chiefs Another key practical norm is the delegation of regulatory power to chefs de pavillons (pavilion chiefs), vendor-representatives who informally manage space allocation and order within specific product clusters (e.g., clothing, food, electronics). While the structure lacks legal recognition, it remains influential, having originated during Mobutu Sese Seko's presidency when unions were banned. Even after the legalization of unions in 1997, this structure endured due to its embeddedness in market culture. The role of pavilion chiefs resembles that of customary authorities in Congolese land law, functioning as locally legitimate actors in a system of community-based governance. No vendor can occupy a new space without the consent of the respective pavilion chief.
While official regulations require vendors to pay a daily stall fee for the right to occupy a stall within the market, informal practices have developed that diverge from this framework. In reality, pavilion chiefs often impose additional occupancy fees on vendors. These unofficial fees are retained by the pavilion chiefs, who in turn pay commissions to market administrators and occasionally to representatives of vendor unions. Such commissions act as a form of informal protection against administrative sanctions. This practice has evolved into a localized norm, encapsulated in a Lingala proverb: "the totem animal must be consumed by all those who know the law prohibiting its consumption", suggesting a tacit complicity among all actors aware of these unofficial arrangements. Within market jargon, the term kosomba mesa (literally "to buy a stall") is used, though the verb "to buy" signifies gaining a degree of informal control or autonomy over a selling space, rather than legal ownership.