Black press in Brazil is a journalistic movement aimed particularly, but not exclusively, at the documentation and public debate of issues involving Afro-Brazilians, such as racial discrimination, the recovery of dignity, identity, history, and culture of this population segment, as well as highlighting the protagonism of black personalities, proposing the deconstruction of the ideology of racial democracy and the formation of a new collective consciousness and a new social paradigm. The black press has been, since its origins, one of the most important and combative expressions of the Brazilian black movement.
Origins
During the colonial period there were many challenges to slavery, but in general, black people were seen as inferior to white people and mere commodities, practically devoid of any rights. During this long period, the press was prohibited from operating by order of the Portuguese Crown, but pamphlets, leaflets, and books circulated widely clandestinely, often addressing demands. There are records that in 1789, when Bahian blacks promoted the Revolta dos Búzios, leaflets and manifestos were posted on houses and walls as a way to rally the insurgents and communicate to society their rejection of social inequalities and racial discrimination.
The press ban was lifted in 1808 with the arrival of the royal family, but the first legalized Brazilian periodical directed by and aimed at the black population, O Homem de Cor, was only launched in 1833 in Rio de Janeiro. It was printed at the typography of Francisco de Paula Brito, a free black man born in Rio de Janeiro who was already involved in newspaper printing and is considered one of the pioneers in the fight against slavery and racial prejudice in Brazil. It had only five editions, starting in September and ending in November of the same year.Pinto, Ana Flávia Magalhães. De Pele Escura e Tinta Preta: a imprensa negra do século XIX (1833-1899). Mestrado. Universidade de Brasília, 2006, p. 17 Shortly after the appearance of O Homem de Cor, four more periodicals were launched in 1833: Brasileiro Pardo, O Lafuente, O Cabrito, and O Crioulinho. None of them had a long life, but they had a significant impact beyond the specifically black community. According to Ana Magalhães Pinto, these early black newspapers did not focus on the problem of slavery but shared an idea, inspired by liberalism and Enlightenment, that individual talents and virtues, not skin color, should be the guarantee of equality and democracy. This did not negate their self-identification by color, but it should be understood in the context of the emergence of these newspapers when a legislative project was presented to establish the criterion of color for access to higher ranks in the National Guard and for identification in the voter registration list, even discriminating against legally free and emancipated blacks, which violated the constitutional text and the equality promises made by Emperor Pedro I. In Pinto's interpretation, while slavery was a legal institution, discrimination based on color, although serious and widespread, was only a custom, and legalizing it would exacerbate the problems faced by blacks in all areas, as well as remove all free blacks from strategic positions of military command, deprive them of political rights, and increase the state's control over this population.Pinto, pp. 66-83
In an unfavorable context for black people, other newspapers would take decades to emerge, reappearing only in 1876 in Recife with O Homem: Realidade Constitucional ou Dissolução Social, which reiterated the question of the illegality of discrimination against freedmen and pointed out that prejudice seemed to increase as more and more blacks became emancipated. It also made the first protests against pseudoscientific eugenic theories and population whitening projects. O Homem stood out from its predecessors due to a broader and deeper approach to issues relevant to black people, indicating that during this long period without press, there was a significant gain in experiences and knowledge to establish stronger arguments against slavery and discrimination, but like the others, it had a short life.Pinto, pp. 84-92 From this time on, abolitionism became the dominant theme in the Brazilian black press, claiming the full integration of black people into society."Memória da imprensa negra no Brasil". Observatório da Imprensa, 04/02/2020 There were also 31 leaflets and pamphlets exclusively dedicated to abolitionism between 1871 and 1888, the year of the abolition of slavery, such as Cidade do Rio by José do Patrocínio, and Gazeta da Tarde by Ferreira de Meneses, although not all of them were edited by black people but also by white sympathizers of the cause.Brasil, Bruno. "Imprensa negra e abolicionista no acervo da Biblioteca Nacional". Biblioteca Nacional, 15/04/2020
Several important periodicals emerged in the 19th century, such as A Pátria and O Progresso in São Paulo in 1899, and the long-lived O Exemplo in Porto Alegre in 1892. Although they had different and sometimes conflicting specific proposals, they shared the recognition of the need for education among the black population, aiming to overcome the stigma of black and mulatto individuals as lacking intellectual capacity and preparing them for the job market. They also aimed to create a collective identity consciousness that could unite the demands of different groups and strengthen the struggle for their rights. They also did not seem to have any nostalgia for the monarchy, which was abolished in 1889, despite the esteem dedicated to Princess Isabel, known as "the liberator". In several articles, it was noted that monarchical governments had alternated between liberals and conservatives, and little changed in the situation of black people. On the other hand, the republican project seemed much more promising, heralding a new era of equal rights, democracy, and full citizenship. However, although these rights were secured by law, in practice, they would be constantly violated, and the deceptive idea of racial democracy allegedly implemented gained strength, increasing the feeling among black people that the official promises once again had been empty and that their situation, instead of improving, was worsening.Pinto, pp. 140-148
Indeed, at that time, a mass of low-skilled European immigrants was entering the country, competing more or less for the same job market,Domingues, Petrônio. "Movimento negro brasileiro: alguns apontamentos históricos". In: Tempo, 2007; 12 (23) many people in the countryside lost their place to live and were pushed into urban favelas without any structure or support,Grijó, Wesley Pereira. "Que negro é esse na cultura da mídia? Uma análise a partir do contexto gaúcho". In: Revista da ABPN, 2012; 4 (8):52-67 a law in 1890 banned the entry of any black person into the country, a historiographical discourse sought to erase the contribution of black people to the nation's growth—both in purely economic and cultural terms—and population whitening theories gained new momentum, extending their influence into the early decades of the 20th century.Pinto, pp. 132-154Beneduzi, Luis Fernando. "Por um branqueamento mais rápido: identidade e racismo nas narrativas do álbum do cinqüentenário da imigração italiana no sul do Brasil". In: Antíteses, 2011; 4 (7):13-30Carvalho, Ana Paula Comin de. "O 'Planeta': apontamentos sobre a invisibilidade dos negros no RS e seus reflexos no campo da cidadania". In: Revista Humanas — Cidadania e Políticas Públicas, 2005; (26/27):179-191
20th century In the early decades of the 20th century, despite the extremely high illiteracy rate still prevalent among the black population, the number of newspapers and magazines multiplied rapidly, diversifying their profile, adding literary journalism and news journalism to the political-advocacy journalism.Rosa, Isabel Cristina Clavelin da. "Imprensa Negra: descobertas para o Jornalismo brasileiro". In: Estudos em Jornalismo e Mídia, 2014; 11 (1) Although the black press had limited circulation at this time, mainly reaching the small portion of the black population who could read, it was common for literate individuals to serve as information multipliers, gathering around them a group of interested people and reading the newspapers aloud to them. In this sense, the press played an important educational role during this period, and there were constant articles urging people not to wait for government projects but to take the initiative to seek education voluntarily. According to Gonçalves & Silva, "there is almost no reference to education as a duty of the State and a right of families. The entities invert the question. Education appears as a family obligation. The criticism of the government's neglect of black education appears in the same proportion as racial protest intensifies, in other words, radicalizes." The publications "highlight the importance of equipping oneself for work, promote schools linked to black entities, with emphasis on those maintained by black teachers. There are messages exhorting parents to send their children to school and adults to complete or initiate courses, especially literacy courses. Reading and writing are seen as conditions for social advancement, that is, for achieving economic stability, and also for reading and interpreting laws and thus being able to enforce their rights."Gonçalves, Luiz Alberto Oliveira & Silva, Petronilha Beatriz Gonçalves e. "Movimento negro e educação". In: Revista Brasileira de Educação, 2000; (15)