Anti-Peruvian (), or Peruvophobia, refers to negative feelings, fear, hatred and discrimination toward and/or against Peruvians based on a combination of historical, cultural, and ethnic prejudices.
It arose since the 19th century in some societies as a consequence of their territorial expansion. It germinated as a tendency in the nationalisms of neighboring countries, mainly Ecuador, Chile and to a lesser extent due to the disputed origin of different cultural manifestations, such as recipes and gastronomic preparations (such as pisco or picarones) or folkloric dances (such as the diablada or the morenada) whose origin is disputed or shared with Chile and Bolivia. In addition, due to different political and ideological differences with the Bolivarian leaders and their Chavista sympathizers in Venezuela.
It can manifest itself in many ways, such as individual hatred or discrimination, tabloid media, attacks by groups organized for that purpose, even on social networks.
By country Argentina
In the midst of the Argentine War of Independence and the Auxiliary Expeditions to Upper Peru, there was a climate of tension between Peru, loyal to the Spanish Crown, and the Junta de Buenos Aires seeking the independence of the Río de la Plata and spreading the May Revolution to all of South America, which generated warlike confrontations between Peruvian supporters of the counterrevolution and Argentine supporters of the revolution; In the midst of these events, there were some signs of anti-Peruvianism in the most conflictive stages of those events, since these troops devastated the region and caused local rejection of any union with the "porteños",Klein, Herbert S. (2011). A concise history of Bolivia. Nueva York: Cambridge University Press. to the extent that there were Peruvians who did not want direct borders with the so-called "aggressive" Buenos Aires (due to their invasions of Charcas). Samples of this anti-Peruvian aggressiveness occurred when the Argentine government ordered the execution of the leaders of the Córdoba Counterrevolution, which were having support of the Viceroyalty of Peru, also served to teach a "lesson to the leaders of Peru", since at first it was intended to gather the prisoners so that they could be sent, without making detours, either to Buenos Aires or to the city of Córdoba "according to the most convenient", however the order to execute the counterrevolutionary leaders at the moment of their capture, a decision promoted by Mariano Moreno and which had been taken by the full Primera Junta, except for Manuel Alberti (who excused himself due to his ecclesiastical character), served as a warning of hostility of the junta towards the peoples opposed to the revolution, with emphasis on Cordoba and Peruvians.
"Reserved. The sacred rights of the King and the Homeland have armed the arm of justice and this Junta has struck down a sentence against the conspirators of Córdoba accused for the notoriety of their crimes and convicted by the general vote of all the good ones. The Board orders that they be harquebused Dn. Santiago Liniers, Don Juan Gutiérrez de la Concha, the Bishop of Córdoba, Dn. Victorino Rodríguez, Colonel Allende and the Royal Official Dn. Joaquin Moreno. At the moment that each or every one of them is caught, whatever the circumstances, this resolution will be executed, without giving rise to minutes that provide requests and relationships capable of compromising compliance with this order and the honor of Your Excellency. This punishment must be the basis of the stability of the new system and a lesson for the chiefs of Peru, who advance to a thousand excesses for the hope of impunity and is at the same time the proof of the usefulness and energy with which this Expedition fills the important objects what is it intended for."Sentencia de muerte. Archivo general de la República Argentina
There were also signs of Peruvian-phobia on the part of the Argentines of the Junta when Manuel Belgrano exposed on July 6, 1816, in front of the deputies of the Congress of Tucumán in two meetings, a proposal to establish an almost nominal monarchy, discussing first about choosing a European prince and then a Peruvian sovereign from the descendants of the Incas to offer the throne, it was most likely projected that the title would correspond to Juan Bautista Túpac Amaru, the only known surviving brother of the Inca noble, Túpac Amaru II, although they also considered Dionisio Inca Yupanqui, a mestizo jurist and soldier who had been educated in Europe and who was the representative of Peru at the Cortes of Cádiz, or Juan Andrés Jiménez de León Manco Cápac, a mestizo cleric and soldier who earned his fame for opposing the excessive collection of tribute and that he participated as a military commander in the uprising of Juan José Castelli.Belgrano, Daniel Balmaceda (2019).Belgrano: La revolución de las ideas, Mercedes Sanguineti (2013). Only four days after making this proclamation, the great announcement of the Independence of Argentina took place, with a large majority of the assembly members opting for the suggested monarchical form that, in addition, should have its headquarters in the city of Cuzco, the capital of the projected New Kingdom. Only Godoy Cruz and part of his collaborators demanded that said capital be in Buenos Aires. According to this "Plan del Inca", it would be an effective and constitutional parliamentary-style government, similar to the British one, to achieve prompt international recognition of Argentine independence. His proposal to establish a parliamentary Inca monarchy was ridiculed by his contemporaries who supported the formation of a republic, the original project was rejected mainly for reasons of anti-Peruvian racism. The Buenos Aires delegates expressed their total rejection of the delusional idea, almost without being heard. It is said that one of them came to shout there: "I'd rather be dead than serve a king with flip flops!"; and that the journalists from Buenos Aires mocked the decision, assuring that now he would have to go look for "a dirty-legged king in some grocery store or tavern in the Altiplano". The Congress of Tucumán finally decided to reject the Inca's plan because anti-Peruvian fellings, creating in its place a republican and centralist state with its capital in Buenos Aires.
Another example of anti-Peruvianism, as well as anti-Chileanism and Hispanophobia, was Brown's privateering expedition to the Pacific, sponsored by the government of Buenos Aires, where ships were sent on a privateering expedition to the Pacific coast against civilians, without engaging them in a regular naval warfare against the military, whose main targets were the ports of Chile and Peru, to weaken Spanish trade, as well as Peruvian. Although the preparations were carried out in secret, some royalists from Buenos Aires tried to pass communications to Chile to prepare defense actions, but the governor of Cuyo, José de San Martín, managed to intercept those attempts.Barros Arana, Diego (1889): Historia general de Chile (págs. 207–211). Books on Demand, 1889. One of the main objectives of the corsairs Argentinians was the Port of Callao, which was attacked in January 1816.
Such was the hostility of the Argentine corsairs towards the Peruvian population, that it has been recorded that several travelers from Peru to Europe (especially friars of the Catholic Church), at the moment of undertaking the return from the Brazilian coast to Peru, arrived in to prefer the land route, from Goiás and Mato Grosso, to reach Peru via the Amazon, "rather than run the risk of falling into the hands of corsairs from La Plata at sea."
On the other hand, some historians, with indigenist, Hispanist or revisionist orientations of the nationalist current, have wanted to affirm that the Argentine Liberator himself, Don José de San Martin, could have been an anti-Peruvian figure, questioning whether a foreigner would arrive (San Martín) to proclaim independence. An independence, considered imposed (favoring the historiographical thesis of independence granted, and not achieved or conceived) and very probably against the will of the Peruvians (from which previous declarations of independence would have already emerged, such as the Cuzco Rebellion, later repressed by the Peruvians themselves loyal to the Viceroyalty, and without the need for the intervention of an invading army), based on some phrases such as:
It is also known that San Martín wanted the disputed territory of Upper Peru, administered since 1810 by the Viceroyalty of Peru, to be handed over to the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, which, although it would be somewhat predictable on his part (because it was an Argentine) in the exercise of a realpolitik, on the other hand it would be a sign of anti-Peruvianism on his part in the face of vague promises that he made to warlords, like Andrés de Santa Cruz, over the territory. Given this, he was allegedly accused of being dishonest with his ambiguous promises that he gave to Peruvian politicians who supported his government, since the Protectorate of San Martín de facto controlled the Atacama Party and was also claiming part of the territories of the current La Paz and Pando. That ended up generating a climate of mistrust, where the praises and praise of the Peruvians to the Liberator would have been apparent, in the midst of hostilities towards the Argentine caudillo. In the secret session of the Peruvian Congress, on September 27, 1822, suspicion and fear were expressed that San Martín tried to seize the provinces of Upper Peru, Arequipa and Cuzco.
In addition, San Martín came to be accused of falling into a serious anti-Peruvian hypocrisy with the monarchical project of the Protectorate of San Martín, by preferring the coming of European princes (betraying several nationalist Peruvians), leaving aside the already existing and millennial institutions national monarchists in Peru to imitate the parliamentary constitutionalism of the English and French in the restoration (being accused of being Anglophile and Frenchified by Peruvian Hispanicism), as well as having little or no consideration for monarchical proposals that represented the interests of the indigenous nobility (being accused of Criollo elitist by the Peruvian indigenism). For example, the case of the indigenous nobility of the Cajamarca region, which, after obtaining knowledge of the sworn independence on January 8, 1821, by Torre Tagle (despite the exclusion of indigenous representatives from the Cabildo de Naturales and famous curacas in rural populations, such as Manuel Anselmo Carhuaguatay), he tried to introduce himself and propose that the form of government of the new Peruvian state should correspond to a descendant of Atahualpa who lived in the town, the most notorious being Don Manuel Soto Astopilco (main cacique of the Seven Huarangas of the province), in addition to suggesting the rebirth of the State of Tahuantinsuyo and its right to the crown. No news was recorded that he tried to invoke possible links with the distant and exhausted Incas of Cusco (mostly more favorable to the Royal Army of Peru). And although the proposal was heard and notified to Torre Tagle, no one in the government of San Martín responded to this request. Which shows that for the Creole oligarchy in the Trujillo Intendancy there was a lack of interest towards the indigenous political Society, for which the successors of the Incas were not considered for any alternative government. Leaving a tacit glimpse that the liberal movement of San Martin could end in a monarchical government, or perhaps a republican one, but in either case, it would be led by the Criollo elite and not by indigenous people, no matter how stately and regal lineage they could make ostentation.