The reign of Juan Carlos I as king of Spain began on November 22, 1975, with his accession to the throne following the death of dictator Francisco Franco, who had designated him as successor and Prince of Spain in 1969, and ended on June 19, 2014, with his abdication.
Overview
The transition to democracy took place in the early years of his reign, making Spain no longer the only non-communist dictatorship left in Europe. The new king assumed the project of the reformist sector of Franco's political elite that, facing the conservatives, defended the need to introduce gradual changes in the fundamental laws so that the new monarchy would be accepted in Europe as a whole.
This project was the one that his first government tried to implement, and it was presided by Carlos Arias Navarro, who had already headed the last government of General Franco. However, in view of the incapacity demonstrated by Arias Navarro, Juan Carlos appointed in July 1976 the Francoist "reformist" Adolfo Suárez as the new Head of Government to lead the process of transition to democracy without any "rupture" with the "previous regime". This is how the Political Reform Act came about, which was approved by the Francoist Cortes and revalidated in the referendum of December 1976. According to this new fundamental law, free elections to democratically elected Cortes were to be called.
Suarez's problem was to get the "controlled" transition process established in the Political Reform Act accepted by the democratic opposition, since the latter, in exchange for abandoning the "democratic rupture" and participating in the elections, demanded that Franco's institutions be dismantled and that all parties without exception ─ including the Communist Party of Spain ─ be legalized. Overcoming serious difficulties, President Suárez achieved these two objectives and the first free elections since 1936 could be held on June 15, 1977.
Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD), the party organized by President Suárez, won the elections, although not by absolute majority, and sought the consensus of the rest of the political forces ─ and especially of the other great winner, the PSOE ─ to create the new legal framework that was to replace the fundamental laws of the Franco regime, as well as to face the economic crisis, the reappearance of the "regional question" and the increase of terrorism by ETA. This led to the creation of the political transition to democracy model, which was based on the Amnesty Law of 1977 that included everything that had happened during the Franco dictatorship ─ thus constituting a so-called "pact of oblivion" ─ and in the approval of a Consensus Constitution in exchange for the leftist parties abandoning their claim to establish the Republic. On December 6, 1978, the referendum was held and the new democratic Constitution was approved.
Once the Constitution was endorsed, President Suárez called elections for March 1979, which were won by UCD but again without an absolute majority. During the following two years, the governing party suffered an acute process of internal decomposition that culminated with the resignation of Adolfo Suárez in January 1981. The following month an attempted coup d'état was staged by a sector of the army that sought to paralyze the democratic process and that only the decisive intervention of King Juan Carlos I managed to stop. After 23-F, the new UCD government presided by Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo managed to rule largely thanks to the support given by the PSOE and its leader Felipe González because the "self-destruction" of the UCD continued until October 1982, when new elections were held and were won overwhelmingly by the PSOE. Thus a party that had been one of the defeated parties in the civil war of 1936–1939 took power.
After 1982, the democratic system was consolidated and Spain experienced a long period of political stability in which there was alternation in government between the left and the right in a peaceful manner following the dictates of the elections (the PSOE governed between 1982 and 1996 and between 2004 and 2011; the People's Party, which emerged from the "refounding" in 1989 of the Alianza Popular, between 1996 and 2004 and between 2011 and 2014). It was decisive for the achievement of political stability that the positions of the two major parties on the most important issues were not antagonistic and that there were no major "social fractures", the latter thanks to the development of the Welfare state and "social protection" policies. Also during those years, Spain actively participated in the transformation of the European Community, which it joined in 1986, in the European Union and in the establishment of the common currency, the euro.
In the final years of his reign, Spain suffered a financial recession that led to a political crisis, which also affected Juan Carlos's popularity and was a key factor in his decision to abdicate in 2014.
Transition (1975–1982)
In the first seven years of the reign of Juan Carlos I, the transition to democracy was completed, making Spain the only non-communist dictatorship left in Europe. The Spanish transition, of which the end is usually placed in the victory of the PSOE in the October 1982 elections, is part of the third "democratizing wave" of the 20th century, which began in Portugal in 1974 with the "Carnation Revolution" and ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.
Proclamation of Juan Carlos I
In 1969, the dictator Francisco Franco designated Juan Carlos de Borbón as his successor "by title of king" with the title of Prince of Spain, by virtue of the Law of Succession to the Headship of the State of 1947.
After Franco's death on November 20, 1975, the Regency Council assumed interim rule. Two days later, Juan Carlos I was proclaimed king before the Francoist Cortes. He delivered a speech in which he avoided referencing Franco's triumph in the Spanish Civil War and in which, after expressing his "respect and gratitude" to Franco, he stated that he intended to reach "an effective consensus of national concord". In this way, he made it clear that he did not support the pure "immobilist continuism" advocated by the búnker ─ which defended the perpetuation of Francoism under the monarchy established by Franco, following the model established in the Organic Law of the State of 1967─ but with a message to the Army to face the future with "serene tranquility" that hinted that the reform would be made from the regime's own institutions. The most enthusiastic round of applause from the Cortes, however, was not for the new king but for Franco's family present at the ceremony. The anti-Franco opposition received the king's speech with coldness.
The ratification of Carlos Arias Navarro as President of the Government caused enormous disappointment, barely mitigated by the appointment of Torcuato Fernández Miranda, former tutor to the prince, as the new President of the Cortes and of the Council of the Realm, key institutions in the framework left by the Franco dictatorship. The disappointment was mitigated when the composition of the Government was known, in which the most prominent figures of Franco's "reformism" appeared, such as Manuel Fraga Iribarne, José María de Areilza and Antonio Garrigues y Díaz Cañabate. Other Francoist "reformists" from the Catholic (Alfonso Osorio) and Falangist "families" (the "blue reformists", Adolfo Suárez and Rodolfo Martin Villa) also participated in this government. Actually, the members of the government were imposed on Arias Navarro by the king, and in the case of Suárez it had been a suggestion of Fernández Miranda. This new government was often referred to in the press as the "Arias-Fraga-Areilza-Garrigues government".
The Arias–Navarro administration (November 1975 – July 1976)
Arias Navarro lacked a plan to reform the Franco regime so his government adopted the one presented by Fraga Iribarne which consisted of achieving a "liberal" democracy that would be comparable to that of the rest of Western European countries through a gradual and controlled process from the power of gradual changes to the "fundamental laws" of Franco. That is why it was also known as "reform in continuity" and its support base would be what was then called "sociological Francoism". With the democratic opposition it was not intended to negotiate or agree on any essential element of the process and from the elections would be excluded the "totalitarians", in reference to the communists.
For its part, the PCE, then the main anti-Francoist opposition party, and the Junta Democrática, the political platform it had created in 1974, promoted a great mobilization against the "Francoist" monarchy. There was agitation in the universities, demonstrations were held to the cry of "Freedom and Amnesty", violently dissolved by the police, and a wave of strikes was unleashed, much greater than the already very important ones of 1974 and 1975. The reasons for the strikes called by the illegal Workers' Commissions were fundamentally economic ─ the seriousness of the "1973 oil crisis" was accentuated ─ but they also had political motivations since the demands for wage increases or improvements in working conditions were accompanied by others such as freedom of union, the recognition of the right to strike, freedom of assembly and association, when not directly demanding amnesty for political prisoners and exiles.
The government's response was repression. On March 3, 1976, the most serious incidents took place in Vitoria, which resulted in the death of five people by police gunfire. A general strike was immediately declared in the Basque Country and Navarre in solidarity with the victims, which had a huge following ─ also in other areas. For much of the opposition, the "Vitoria massacre" showed the true face of the "Arias-Fraga reform" and demonstrations and strikes intensified, with subsequent clashes with the forces of law and order ─ in Basauri, near Bilbao, another worker died shortly afterwards.
In spite of everything, the mobilizations did not have a sufficient following to overthrow the government, much less the "Francoist monarchy". It was thus becoming increasingly evident that the alternative of "democratic rupture" accompanied by "decisive national action" was not viable, so its main supporter, the Communist Party of Spain, decided in March 1976 to change strategy and adopt the alternative of "agreed democratic rupture" advocated by the moderate opposition and the PSOE ─ which had formed the Democratic Convergence Platform ─ although without abandoning the mobilization of citizens to exert continuous pressure on the government and force it to negotiate with the opposition.
The change of strategy of the PCE, allowed the merger on March 26 of the two unitary organizations of the opposition, the Junta Democrática and the Plataforma de Convergencia Democrática, which led to the creation of Coordinación Democrática ─ popularly known as Platajunta. In its first manifesto, it rejected the "Arias-Fraga reform" and demanded an immediate political amnesty, full trade union freedom and a "rupture or democratic alternative through the opening of a constituent period". Thus, from the first scenario of rupture with popular uprising, the demand for the calling of general elections from which a constituent process could be derived.. Shortly after the Platajunta was formed the government tolerated the socialist trade union Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) to hold inside the country its XXX Congress camouflaged under the term Jornadas de Estudio (Study Days), but at the same time the police arrested the leader of CC OO, Marcelino Camacho.