The Brazilian drug war is an ongoing conflict fought mainly between police militias, drug cartels and federal (or state) security forces in Brazil.
Background
Organized crime is heavily intertwined with the geography of the largest cities in Brazil, particularly in their poorest neighborhoods, commonly known as favelas. Many Brazilian cities have their wealthiest and most tourist-driven communities located close to informal neighborhoods that face high rates of poverty, drug addiction, unemployment, violence and homelessness; This extreme economic inequality and lack of proper social services in these areas facilitates the formation and survival of organized crime, which is present in every Brazilian state. Residents of these neighborhoods frequently face social stigma, which is commonly intertwined with racism, social segregation and class discrimination; The lack of both proper education and formal job opportunities caused by this social discrimination also causes organized crime to grow even further.
Criminal organizations often rely heavily on relationships with both political and state actors to advance their influence. These relations usually involve large-scale corruption, such as bribery and the use of informal favours or personal connections to achieve control over many government institutions, such as the police and judiciary. Members of some security forces, particularly of the Civil and Military polices, have also formed their own criminal organizations, popularly known as "militias". Large businesses, particularly in the finance, real estate and oil sectors, are also known to be heavily intertwined with organized crime in Brazil, in many cases using shell companies and other means to perform money laundering for these organizations.
Despite these known links between state forces and organized crime, public opinion, especially among the upper and upper middle classes, is largely in favour of the state using armed force to combat these criminal organizations. This is also exacerbated by many sensationalist TV programs, which use explicit and violent imagery to amplify these sentiments throughout the country. Despite their own links to criminal organizations, many far-right political candidates have also taken advantage of this situation to be elected into public office.
Rio de Janeiro Beginning with rackets such as Jogo do Bicho, Rio de Janeiro has had many incidents of collusion among criminal organizations and social and political institutions. Following the military dictatorship, political tools originally used by the regime, such as the Cândido Mendes prison complex, created the first prison gangs in Rio in the late 1970s-early 1980s. With the subsequent cocaine boom in South America, these gangs would go on to unite or incorporate smaller street gangs and other groups, while also dominating the drug market and capitalizing off it within favela communities. Heightened tensions for control of these neighborhoods contributed to turf wars and new factions of organized crime forming.
Drug policy in Brazil Laws prohibiting the recreational use of drugs, such as cannabis, coca and opium, were introduced to the Penal Code of Brazil in 1940, when certain narcotic drugs were criminalized within Brazilian territory through the 1940 Penal Code (Law No. 2,848/1940), as set forth in Article 281:
This article rendered these drugs illegal and thus authorized police powers and regulatory bodies to impose sanctions on users and traffickers of illicit drugs. Even before their legal prohibition, narcotic drugs were already shrouded in prejudice—particularly racial prejudice, such as in the case of marijuana, which was nicknamed "Angola weed", because it was mainly used by adherents of Afro-Brazilian religions in their rituals.
In 1973, when Brazil acceded to the Convention on Psychotropic Substances, the "war on drugs" shifted its approach; the new drug policies clearly defined the penalties and consequences associated with possessing, purchasing, or selling these substances. It was in the Brazilian state's interest to marginalize and prohibit narcotics, given that during the 1968 student marches against the military dictatorship, drugs had been used as a symbol of resistance against the regime—and, due to the lack of clear penalties, users faced neither prosecution nor punishment.
Criminal organizations Drug cartels Comando Vermelho Comando Vermelho (Red Command), often abbreviated as "CV", is Brazil's oldest active criminal organization, which engages primarily in drug trafficking and arms smuggling, as well as truck hijacking, loan sharking, pimping, racketeering and bank robberies, among other criminal activities. Considered the biggest faction in Greater Rio de Janeiro, it has also spread to the rest of the state, as well as nearby Espírito Santo and into the north/northeastern regions of Brazil.
The formation of the organization dates back to the late 1970s (during the military dictatorship), on the Cândido Mendes prison (located on Ilha Grande), this penitentiary complex housed both ideological enemies of the regime (such as opposition politicians, journalists, unionists and intellectuals), as well as armed guerrilla fighters (such as members of MR-8 and ALN) and high-profile criminals, which, after a series of massacres and general mistreatment by the prison guards, formed an "self-protective" alliance.
Through the transfer of major gang leaders by the Brazilian government, the organization was able to gain control of other prisons and establish itself on the ground in most of the state of Rio, gaining much influence within the ever-growing favela complexes. Later, during the cocaine boom of the 1980s, the gang's focus shifted from petty crime to that of drug and arms trafficking, which proved to be less dangerous than bank robberies and also allowed for larger profits and control of many city municipalities.
Ever since the appearance and spread of rival organizations during the late 80s to the early 90s (both in Rio and other states), CV has waged major turf wars against other cartels and street gangs. In recent years it has been involved in a series of prison riots, massacres and territorial conflicts thorough the entire country, which resulted in dozens (or sometimes even hundreds) of casualties, mostly involving police militias (which have grown considerably in the past decade) and rival gangs such as ADA, GDE and TCP.
After negotiations for an "alliance" with São Paulo–based PCC broke down in 2016 (mainly due to disputes between shared drugs and arms trafficking routes in Paraguay, Bolivia and Colombia), a series of retaliations (which included mass shootings, executions and invasions of rival favelas) broke out between both groups and their allies, which have resulted in severe casualties, including not only gang members but also many innocent civilians and security officials who have been caught in the crossfire.
However, despite years of violent conflicts with the Brazilian police and other criminal organizations, as well as deterrent efforts such as the Police Pacifying Unit (UPP) and the occupation of several favelas, the CV maintains significant power and governance in many of Rio de Janeiro's favelas, and, like many other organizations, has increasingly been portrayed as a "cultural icon" in some genres of Brazilian music (such as in the Proibidão, Ostentação and Automotivo sub-genres of Brazilian funk, Trap and Hip-Hop). Current issues for the CV reside in outbreaks of violence with criminal organizations for control of drug routes and turf wars with militias over territories, such as the Complexo do Alemão (which is sometimes considered the "headquarters" of the organization).
Primeiro Comando da Capital The Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) is one of Latin America's largest drug cartels. The organization primarily deals with drugs/arms trafficking, bank robberies and hijacking of armored trucks, as well as illegal gambling and smuggling (especially alcohol, tobacco, gold and timber). It is the biggest faction in Brazil, while also having a significant presence through the rest of South America, Portugal and the United States (mostly through the Brazilian-American community).
In recent years, the organization has been reported to operate in many other countries as well, mostly through its alliances with foreign criminal groups (such as 'Ndrangheta in Italy, Group America in Serbia, Tren de Aragua in Venezuela, the Triads in China and the Jalisco Cartel in Mexico) and paramilitary groups (such as the FARC in Colombia and EPP in Paraguay). In recent years, there has even been reported activities of the group in West Africa (mostly aligned with local groups such as the Nigerian Mafia), Eastern Europe (through the Russian and Albanian mafias) and the Middle East (through the Turkish and Lebanese mafias). The group has also been alleged to have ties to the Yakuza in Japan and Hezbollah in Lebanon.
PCC was originally founded on August 31, 1993, by eight prisoners at Taubaté Penitentiary, called "Piranhão" ("Big Piranha"), in the state of São Paulo. The group initially got together during a football game, where they founded a team called "Comando Capital" (Capital Command). The prisoners had been transferred from the city of São Paulo to the Piranhão as punishment for bad behavior. The game famously ended in widespread fights and chaos, which led to the brutal killing and decapitation of both the deputy director and a prisoner with special privileges, with the head of the latter being put on a stake. The group has the slogan "Peace, Justice and Freedom", and makes use of the Chinese taijitu (the yin and yang symbol) as their emblem, claiming that it represents a "way to balance good and evil with wisdom".
In February 2001, Idemir "Sombra" Carlos Ambrósio became the most prominent leader of the organization when he coordinated, by cell phone, simultaneous rebellions in 29 São Paulo state prisons, in which 16 prisoners were killed. "Sombra", also referred to as "father", was beaten to death in the Piranhão five months later by five PCC members in an internal struggle for the general command of the group. The PCC was initially led by César "Césinha" Augusto Roris da Silva and José "Geleião" Márcio Felício, who were responsible for a short-lived alliance with the Comando Vermelho (CV). At the time, the group adopted CV's far-left beliefs and began advocating for revolution and the destruction of Brazil's capitalist system.
Geleião and Cesinha, from the Bangu Penitentiary where they were held, went on to coordinate violent attacks against public buildings. Considered radicals by another moderate current of the PCC, they used terrorism to intimidate authorities of the prison system and were withdrawn from leadership in November 2002, when the leadership was taken over by the current leader of the organization, Marcos "Marcola" Willians Herbas Camacho. Marcola would eventually order the deaths of Geleião and Cesinha for having testified to the police, as well as for allegedly leaving the faction and creating a splinter group called the "Terceiro Comando da Capital" (Third Capital Command, TCC), which is now considered to be defunct.
Amigos dos Amigos
Amigos dos Amigos (Literally "Friends of Friends"), known as "ADA", is one of Rio de Janeiro's most prominent drug gangs, historically having strongholds in Rocinha -- the largest of the favelas in greater Rio de Janeiro. The criminal organization formed in the late 1990s by ex-members of Comando Vermelho -- who were expelled due to the killing of another member -- in order to compete for territorial dominance. CV is still ADA's biggest rival, along with the Terceiro Comando Puro (Third Pure Command, TCP).