The divine caste, known as "la casta divina" in Spanish, refers to a group of wealthy and influential families in the Yucatán Peninsula during the 19th and early 20th centuries. They were considered the social and intellectual elite of the region and held significant cultural, political, and economic power.

A few members of the divine caste traced their lineage back to the early Spanish conquistadors and settlers of Yucatan. They were predominantly Criollos, which refers to individuals of Spanish descent born in the Americas. These families maintained close ties with the Catholic Church and held positions of prominence in government, law, business, and academia. They played a significant role in shaping the intellectual and cultural life of Mérida and the Yucatán peninsula. Their influence extended beyond the local sphere, with some members of the caste holding positions of national importance.

the term "divine caste" was not self-appointed by the Yucatecan elite. It was a designation used by their critics and others to describe them. Instead, the Yucatecan elite preferred to refer to themselves as the "decent people" or "gente decente," which conveyed a sense of social superiority and moral rectitude due to their adherence to societal norms, conservative Catholicism, European cultural influences, and refined lifestyles.

This exclusive group, composed of about twenty families, exerted control over the henequen industry, which transformed Yucatán into Mexico's wealthiest and most industrialized state in the early 20th century. During Yucatan's Gilded Age, which lasted roughly between 1870 and 1920, Yucatecan henequen accounted for nearly twenty percent of Mexico's total exports. Out of its haciendas came 90% of the sacks and rope consumed internationally. Both goods were considered essential in the context of the Second Industrial Revolution and the naval arms races between the Great Powers as the world prepared for World War I. Henequen "crossed all borders. It was sold everywhere: binder twine in the United States; silk in Germany and henequen sacks throughout the Americas. In other words, it almost became an article of first necessity in the entire world." By 1900, Yucatán was exporting 81 million kilograms of henequen to the United States each year, roughly 178.5 million pounds priced at $9.48 USD per pound. Solely from their exports to the United States, henequen exporters were generating annual revenue of roughly $1.7 billion USD. Adjusted for inflation, this 1900 annual revenue would amount to approximately $62 billion USD in 2023. Unlike other plantations in Latin America, the leading Yucatecan families retained ownership over land, physical capital, and infrastructure. The henequen boom led Mérida, the state capital, to boast more millionaires per capita than any other city in the world.

By the early 20th century, the divine caste experienced internal divisions, reflecting a power struggle between the traditional upper-class families that had long dominated the Yucatán peninsula and Olegario Molina, who aimed to monopolize the henequen industry, acting on behalf of J.P. Morgan and the International Harvester, an American conglomerate. The social upheaval caused by the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) significantly impacted the divine caste's political influence. The revolution brought about profound changes in Mexican society, including the redistribution of land and wealth. As a result, the divine caste lost much of its power and control over the henequen industry. Nonetheless, descendants of the Yucatecan elite continued to be active in public life even after the decline of the divine caste's political influence. Their historical legacy and contributions to the development of Yucatán and Mexico as a whole remain noteworthy.

Origins of the term

Casta is a word existing in Spanish, Portuguese and other Iberian languages since the Middle Ages, meaning "lineage". Casta gave rise to the English word caste during the early modern period.

In the colonial era, the term "caste" in the context of Spanish America referred to the social hierarchy and racial classification system that emerged as a result of intermixing between Indigenous peoples, Europeans (Spaniards), and Africans. The caste system categorized individuals based on their racial and ethnic backgrounds, assigning them specific legal and social statuses.

The castes in New Spain included categories such as "peninsulares" (those born in Spain), "criollos" (people of Spanish descent born in the Americas), "mestizos" (people of mixed Indigenous and Spanish ancestry), "mulattos" (people of mixed African and Spanish ancestry), "zambos" (people of mixed Indigenous and African ancestry), and others. Each caste had its own social and legal privileges or restrictions, and the system was primarily designed to maintain the dominance of peninsulares and criollos and ensure a strict racial hierarchy.

The term "caste" later also came to be associated with the caste system in India of dividing society into hierarchical groups based on birth, occupation, and social status. In New England, for example, the term "caste" is often used to refer to a social elite known as the Boston Brahmins. The Boston Brahmins were a group of wealthy and influential families who held significant social, cultural, and political power in the region during the 19th and early 20th centuries. They were typically of English Protestant (WASP) descent and traced their lineage back to the early Puritan settlers. The term "Brahmin" was borrowed from Hinduism, where it referred to the highest priestly caste.

Similarly, the term "divine caste" was coined to emphasize the perceived superiority of the Yucatecan elite over the rest of society, reinforcing a hierarchical system that favored a small, privileged group. They were typically of Spanish Catholic descent and, in a few cases, traced their lineage back to the early colonial period.

The term "divine caste" was not self-appointed by the Yucatecan elite but rather a term used by others to describe them. Instead, they would have referred to themselves as "gente decente" (the decent people), a designation that carried a sense of social superiority and moral rectitude. It reflected their belief that they were the epitome of sophistication, culture, and virtue. The Yucatecan elite considered themselves as the inheritors of a long-standing traditions, priding themselves on adhering to certain societal norms and values. They upheld conservative Catholicism, embraced European cultural influences, and maintained refined lifestyles. They were known for their education, etiquette, and participation in intellectual and cultural pursuits. By aligning themselves with these ideals, they distinguished themselves from the perceived moral deficiencies and cultural shortcomings they sometimes attributed to the lower classes.

Meanwhile, critics of the social group referred to them as the "fifty henequen kings" (John Kenneth Turner), the "divine caste" (Salvador Alvarado) or the "henequen aristocracy". They argue that it perpetuated an elitist and exclusionary social structure, and it has been a subject of debate and critique in discussions on social class and privilege in Mexican society.

While the origin of the term "divine caste" has been attributed to Salvador Alvarado, the leader of the constitutionalist army in the southeastern region of Mexico and governor of Yucatán from 1915 to 1917, during the Mexican Revolution, other sources note that the term was coined since the late 19th century to describe the Yucatecan elite, who established their dominance following the Caste War and took advantage of their economic power derived from the complete control of the henequen agro-industry.

History During the colonial period, the criollos, people of Spanish descent born in the Americas, assumed a privileged position and formed a regional elite, concentrating ownership over large estates, known as latifundios. Several prominent families emerged in Yucatán who had already begun accumulating wealth before Independence. These included the Peón and Cámara families, known for their extensive landholdings and employing a strict marital policy as one of their primary strategies to strengthen their social position, allowing them to forge their regional influence and solidify their status within the Mexican nobility.

While there was a certain degree of social and economic mobility after Mexican Independence, political mobility remained limited. Unlike the situation in central Mexico, where the criollo elites maintained their economic power while ceding political power to mestizos (people of mixed European and indigenous descent) to legitimize the new Republic, the Yucatecan criollo elite maintained their dominance over political, economic and social spheres.

The Caste War of Yucatán was a major conflict that took place from 1847 to 1901. It was a prolonged and violent uprising led by the indigenous Maya people against the ruling criollo elite and their mestizo allies. During the Caste War, the henequen industry paradoxically flourished despite the ongoing conflict.

Henequen and sisal are plants native to Yucatán. Their strong fiber had various commercial applications, particularly in the production of rope and twine, which were in high demand during the industrial revolution. The durability and versatility of henequen fiber made it valuable for industries such as shipping, construction, and agriculture. Yucatán provided ideal conditions for henequen cultivation, with a climate conducive to its growth and vast fertile land. In the mid-nineteenth century, Eusebio Escalante Castillo developed the henequen industry in Yucatán with financing from Thebaud Brothers, a New York City-based investment bank. The henequen industry thrived, resulting in increased production and exportation. Yucatán became the world's leading henequen producer, enjoying a virtual monopoly on the market. The demand for henequen fiber from the United States and industrialized nations in Europe, brought substantial profits to Yucatecan landowners and businessmen, contributing to the social and economic development of the region.

While the Caste War disrupted many aspects of life in the region, including the social and economic structures, the henequen plantations managed to maintain their productivity and profitability. One of the main reasons for this was the geographic distribution of the conflict. The Caste War primarily concentrated in the eastern and southern parts of the Yucatán Peninsula, where the majority of indigenous Maya communities were located. The henequen plantations, on the other hand, were primarily situated in the northern and western regions. These areas, which were less affected by the immediate impact of the war, continued henequen cultivation and production. The plantations in the northern and western regions were often owned by wealthy criollo families who managed to maintain control over their estates. They were able to protect their properties from direct attacks or secure support from government forces, enabling them to sustain henequen operations.

Additionally, some Maya communities who were not actively involved in the rebellion continued to work on the henequen plantations. This was often due to economic necessity, as the henequen industry provided employment opportunities and a means to earn a living. The plantations offered a source of income and stability, even amidst the turbulent conditions of the war.