The Border campaign (12 December 1956 – 26 February 1962) was a guerrilla warfare campaign (codenamed Operation Harvest) carried out by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) against targets in Northern Ireland, with the aim of overthrowing British rule there and creating a united Ireland.Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA by Richard English (), page 73 It was also referred to as the "resistance campaign" by some Irish republican activists.As found in the IRA statement ending the campaign in February 1962, presented in J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army, 1979.Similarly, Sean Cronin, IRA Chief of Staff at various points during the campaign, titled his account of the 1956–57 period "Resistance – The story of the struggle in British-Occupied Ireland,"Book reprinted in IRIS – The Republican magazine, issue number 20, summer 2007, ISSN 0790-7869, under the pen-name Joe McGarrity The campaign was a military failure, but some of its members felt it was justified, as it kept the IRA engaged for another generation.see Tim Pat Coogan, "Jail journal of a 'last hurrah' republican," The Sunday Business Post Online, 13 January 2008

Background The border campaign was the first major military undertaking carried out by the IRA since the 1940s, when the harsh security measures of the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland governments had severely weakened it. In 1939-40 the IRA carried out a sabotage/bombing campaign in England (the S-Plan) to try to force British withdrawal from Northern Ireland. The final figures resulting from the S-Plan are cited as 300 explosions, ten deaths and 96 injuries.McKenna, J. (2016). The IRA Bombing Campaign Against Britain, 1939-1940. McFarland, Incorporated Publishers. Jefferson NC, p. 138. ISBN 9781476623726 From 1942 to 1944 it also mounted an ineffective campaign in Northern Ireland. Internment on both sides of the border, as well as internal feuding and disputes over future policy, all but destroyed the organisation. These campaigns were officially called off on 10 March 1945. By 1947, the IRA had only 200 activists, according to its own general staff.Patrick Bishop, Eamonn Mallie, The Provisional IRA, Corgi 1988, p. 37.

In principle, the IRA wished to overthrow both "partitionist" states in Ireland, both Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State, both of which it deemed to be illegitimate entities imposed by Britain at the time of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1922. However, in 1948 a General Army Convention issued General Order No. 8, prohibiting "any armed action whatsoever" against the forces of the recently proclaimed Republic of Ireland, amounting to a de facto recognition of the state. Under the new policy, IRA volunteers who were caught with arms in the Republic of Ireland were ordered to dump or destroy them and not to take defensive action.J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army, 1979, p. 266.

From then on, armed action was focused on Northern Ireland, which was still part of the United Kingdom and which was dominated by Protestant unionists. The idea of a campaign launched from the Republic against Northern Ireland, first mooted by Tom Barry in the 1930s, gained currency within IRA circles as the 1950s went on.Bowyer Bell, p. 246. In 1954, after an arms raid at Gough Barracks in Armagh, a speaker at the Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown repeated that IRA policy was directed solely against British forces in Northern Ireland.

IRA Chief of Staff Tony Magan set out to create "a new Army, untarnished by the dissent and scandals of the previous decade," according to J. Bowyer Bell.J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army, 1979, p. 246 One of its advisers was a retired British Major-General, Eric Dorman-Smith. The IRA was officially "apolitical," existing only to overthrow the "British-imposed political institutions" in Ireland. However Magan believed that a degree of political mobilisation was necessary and the relationship with Sinn Féin which had soured during the 30s was improved.The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party, Brian Hanley and Scott Millar, , pp. 3 At the 1949 IRA Convention, the IRA ordered its members to join Sinn Féin, which would partially become the "civilian wing" of the IRA.J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army, pp. 247–48.

Re-arming By the middle of this decade, moreover, the IRA had substantially re-armed. This was achieved by means of arms raids launched between 1951 and 1954, on British military bases in Northern Ireland and England. Arms were taken from Derry, Omagh, Essex, Berkshire and Armagh. At the latter raid on Gough barracks in Armagh in June 1954, the IRA seized 250 Lee–Enfield rifles, 37 submachine guns, nine Bren guns and 40 training rifles. On 25 July 1953, there was an IRA arms raid on the armoury of the Officer Training Corps at Felsted, a private school in Essex. In that raid, the IRA netted over 108 rifles, ten Bren and eight Sten guns, two mortars and dummy mortar bombs. The police seized the van carrying the stolen weapons some hours later.

By 1955, splits were occurring in the IRA, as several small groups, impatient for action, launched their own attacks in Northern Ireland. One such activist, Brendan O'Boyle blew himself up with his own bomb in the summer of that year. Another, Liam Kelly founded a breakaway group Saor Uladh ("Free Ulster") and in November 1955, attacked a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) barracks at Roslea in County Fermanagh. One RUC man was badly injured and Saor Uladh volunteer Connie Green was killed in the incident. In August of the following year, Kelly and another IRA dissident, Joe Christle, burned down some customs posts on the border.

In November 1956, the IRA finally began its own border campaign. They were partly motivated by a desire to prevent any more splits in their organisation. They were also encouraged by the results of the UK general election of 1955, when Sinn Féin (since 1949, largely dominated by IRA members) candidates were elected MPs for the Mid-Ulster and Fermanagh and South Tyrone constituencies in Northern Ireland, with a total of 152,310 votes. This appeared to show that there was a substantial Irish republican support base within Northern Ireland. However, as the mainstream Nationalist Party had decided not to take part in the election, its supporters had voted for Sinn Féin instead.MLR Smith. "Fighting for Ireland?" Routledge 1995 p.67.

Planning the campaign The plan for the border campaign – codenamed "Operation Harvest" – was devised by Seán Cronin. It envisaged the use of guerrilla units called flying columns, initially four units of about 50 men each. They were to operate from within the Republic of Ireland and to attack military and infrastructural targets within Northern Ireland. Cronin believed that a strong campaign of attacks on RUC barracks, military installations and government buildings would force the withdrawal of security forces from townlands, villages and small towns, thereby making large parts of the north ungovernable. In addition, another twenty organisers were sent to various locations within Northern Ireland to train new units, gather intelligence and report back to the leadership in Dublin. An IRA document probably seized in Dublin in a raid on Cronin's flat, on 8 January 1957, stated that the aim of the campaign was to: "break down the enemy's administration in the occupied area until he is forced to withdraw his forces. Our method of doing this is guerrilla warfare within the occupied area and propaganda directed at its inhabitants. In time as we build up our forces, we hope to be in a position to liberate large areas and tie these in with other liberated areas – that is areas where the enemy's writ no longer runs".The document seized at Cronin's was titled, "General Directive for Guerrilla Campaign". Bell, The Secret Army, pp. 300–301; Bishop, Mallie, the Provisional IRA, page41

No actions were to take place in Belfast, the capital and biggest city in Northern Ireland. It was excluded because Paddy Doyle, the Belfast operational commander and a member of the Army Council, was arrested and the unit was disorganised,Bell, The Secret Army, p. 285 and note 17, p. 287-88. although Hanley and Millar attribute the non-participation of the Belfast IRA to fears that informers had access to the IRA's plans.Hanley and Miller, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party, p.15 There was also a desire not to provoke reprisals by loyalists against the Catholic/nationalist population there. This had happened on a large scale in 1920–22, during and after the Irish War of Independence.

The campaign

1956 On 12 December, the campaign was launched with simultaneous attacks by around 150 IRA members on targets on the Border in the early hours.Hanley and Miller, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party, p.14 A BBC relay transmitter was bombed in Derry, a courthouse was burned in Magherafelt by a unit led by an 18-year-old Seamus Costello,Hanley and Miller, p.14 as was a B-Specials post near Newry and a half-built Army barracks at Enniskillen was blown up. A raid on Gough barracks in Armagh was beaten off after a brief exchange of fire.

The IRA issued a statement announcing the start of the campaign, "Spearheaded by Ireland's freedom fighters, our people have carried the fight to the enemy...Out of this national liberation struggle a new Ireland will emerge, upright and free. In that new Ireland, we shall build a country fit for all our people to live in. That then is our aim: an independent, united, democratic Irish Republic. For this we shall fight until the invader is driven from our soil and victory is ours".Bishop, Mallie, page 41 Despite formal condemnation of the IRA by the Roman Catholic hierarchy, many units were given absolution before going out on operation.Hanley and Miller, pp.14–15 On 14 December: an IRA column under Seán Garland detonated four bombs (one of which blew in the front wall) outside Lisnaskea RUC station before raking it with gunfire. Further attacks on Derrylin and Roslea RUC barracks on the same day were beaten off. On 21 December: In response to the statement the government of Northern Ireland under Basil Brooke used the Special Powers Act to intern several hundred republican suspects without trial. Over 100 men were arrested on 12 January 1957.Hanley and Millar, p.15 This, in time, severely limited the IRA's capacity to build up units within Northern Ireland. On the evening of 30 December, the Teeling Column under Noel Kavanagh attacked the Derrylin RUC barracks again, killing RUC constable John Scally, the first fatality of the campaign. Others involved in that attack included two prominent IRA men, Charlie Murphy and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.Robert White, Ruairi O Bradaigh, p. 61.

1957

The year 1957 was the most active year of the IRA's campaign, with 341 incidents recorded.Hanley, Millar, p.17

The most dramatic attack of the whole campaign took place on 1 January: 14 IRA volunteers, including Séan Garland, Alan O Brien, Paddy O'Regan and Dáithí Ó Conaill planned an attack on a joint RUC/B Specials barracks in Brookeborough, County Fermanagh, though they attacked the wrong building. During the attack a number of volunteers were injured including Séan Garland. Fergal O'Hanlon and Seán South died of their wounds as they were making their escape. The remainder of the group were pursued back over the border by 400 RUC, B Specials and British soldiers.J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army, p. 299. The funerals of South and O'Hanlon in the Republic produced a strong emotional reaction among the general public there. The two men are still considered martyrs in Irish Republican circles.Richard English Armed Struggle, 'two newly minted martyrs killed in the assault and subsequently celebrated in balladry and romantic imagination ' p.74 Up to 50,000 people attended their funerals.Bishop, Mallie, Provisional IRA, p.43