The French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821) has a highly polarized legacy—Napoleon is typically loved or hated with few nuances. The large and steadily expanding historiography in French, English, Russian, Spanish, and other languages has been summarized and evaluated by numerous scholars.Robert S. Alexander, Napoleon (Oxford University Press, 2001), examines major debates among historians.E. A. Arnold, "English Language Napoleonic Historiography, 1973–1998: Thoughts and Considerations". Proceedings-Western Society for French History, Vol. 26 (2000). pp. 283–94.John Dunne, "Recent Napoleonic Historiography: 'Poor Relation' Makes Good?" French History (2004) 18#4 pp. 484–91.
Legacy and evaluation Criticism
In the political realm, historians debate whether Napoleon was "an enlightened despot who laid the foundations of modern Europe" or "a megalomaniac who wrought greater misery than any man before the coming of Hitler".Max Hastings, "Everything is Owed to Glory" The Wall Street Journal (31 October 2014) also online here. Napoleon had grandiose foreign policy ambitions across Europe and the Americas. The Continental powers as late as 1808 were willing to give him nearly all of his gains and titles, but he was overly aggressive and pushed for too much, until his empire collapsed.Charles Esdaile, Napoleon's Wars: An International History 1803–1815 (2008), p. 39Colin S. Gray, War, Peace and International Relations: An Introduction to Strategic History (2007) p. 47 online
Despite losing some wars, and ending in total military defeat by the terms of the Treaty of Paris of 1815, Napoleon has been labeled a conquering military genius. Napoleon lost the last four wars that he waged Peninsular War, French Invasion of Russia, War of the Sixth Coalition, War of the Seventh Coalition. Although Napoleon ended lawlessness and disorder in post-Revolutionary France, he did so as an usurper who brought France under a military dictatorship, usurping the powerful French military that had instituted a levee en masse.McLynn, 1998, p. 666 His critics charge that he was not troubled when faced with the prospect of war and death for thousands, turned his search for undisputed rule into a series of conflicts throughout Europe and ignored treaties and conventions alike. His role in the Haitian Revolution and decision to reinstate slavery in France's overseas colonies are controversial and affect his reputation.Alexander, (2001) pp. 74–76.
French liberal intellectual Benjamin Constant (1767–1830) was a staunch critique of the political homogenization and personality cult that dominated Napoleonic France. He expressed his condemnation of Bonapartism through various books, including as The Spirit of Conquest and Usurpation (1814) and Principles of Politics Applicable to All Representative Governments (1815). Constant asserted that Napoleonic regime was even more tyrannical than the Bourbon monarchy, since it forced the masses to support its ideological narratives through imperialism and jingoism.
Napoleon institutionalized plunder of occupied territories: he loaded French museums with art stolen from across Europe. Artefacts were brought to the Musée du Louvre for a grand central museum; an example which would later be followed by others.Dorothy Mackay Quynn, "The art confiscations of the Napoleonic wars." American Historical Review 50.3 (1945): 437–60. Claude Ribbe in 2005 argued that his racism toward blacks inspired Hitler in his treatment of Jews.Philip Dwyer, "Remembering and Forgetting in Contemporary France: Napoleon, Slavery, and the French History Wars", French Politics, Culture & Society (2008) 26#3. pp. 110–22. David G. Chandler, a historian of Napoleonic warfare, wrote in 1973 that, "Nothing could be more degrading to the former [Napoleon] and more flattering to the latter [Hitler]. The comparison is odious. On the whole Napoleon was inspired by a noble dream, wholly dissimilar from Hitler's ... Napoleon left great and lasting testimonies to his genius—in codes of law and national identities which survive to the present day. Adolf Hitler left nothing but destruction."David Chandler, David. The Campaigns of Napoleon (1973) p. xliii
Critics argue Napoleon's true legacy must reflect the loss of status for France and needless deaths brought by his rule: historian Victor Davis Hanson writes, "After all, the military record is unquestioned—17 years of wars, perhaps six million Europeans dead, France bankrupt, her overseas colonies lost."Hanson 2003 McLynn states that, "He can be viewed as the man who set back European economic life for a generation by the dislocating impact of his wars." Vincent Cronin replies that such criticism relies on the flawed premise that Napoleon was responsible for the wars which bear his name, when in fact France was the victim of a series of coalitions that aimed to destroy the ideals of the Revolution.Cronin 1994, pp. 342–43
British military historian Correlli Barnett calls him "a social misfit" who exploited France for his personal megalomaniac goals. He says Napoleon's reputation is exaggerated.Correlli Barnett, Bonaparte (1978) French scholar Jean Tulard provided an influential account of his image as a saviour.Jean Tulard, Napoleon: The Myth of the Saviour (1984) has praised the numerous changes he made to French society, especially regarding the law as well as education. His greatest failure was the Russian invasion. Many historians have blamed Napoleon's poor planning, but Russian scholars instead emphasize the Russian response, noting the notorious winter weather was just as hard on the defenders.Dominic Lieven, "Review article: Russia and the defeat of Napoleon." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History (2006) 7#2 pp. 283–308.
American historian Paul Schroeder (1927–2020) is willing to grant that Napoleon was a genius regarding "military, administrative, organizational, political, even literary [efforts] ... [with] an extraordinary capacity for planning, decision making, memory, work, mastery of detail, and leadership." The problem is that he used this genius for criminal ends: ...he repeatedly and deliberately violated the neutrality of small states; that he resorted to judicial arrests and murders against foreign subjects; that he ordered his generals and satraps to use preventive terror to control their domains; that he not only occupied and suppressed other states in war, but also used tactics of bullying, manipulation, and extortion on them in times of peace, almost without regard to whether they were hostile or friendly; that he frequently violated understandings, promises, and treaty commitments; that on principle he ruthlessly subordinated the interests of all the states and peoples he ruled to those of France and ultimately of himself personally....[and so on].Schroeder, (1990) pp. 148–49.
Propaganda and memory
Napoleon's use of propaganda contributed to his rise to power, legitimated his régime, and established his image for posterity. Strict censorship, controlling aspects of the press, books, theatre, and art were part of his propaganda scheme, aimed at portraying him as bringing desperately wanted peace and stability to France. The propagandistic rhetoric changed in relation to events and to the atmosphere of Napoleon's reign, focusing first on his role as a general in the army and identification as a soldier, and moving to his role as emperor and a civil leader. Specifically targeting his civilian audience, Napoleon fostered a relationship with the contemporary art community, taking an active role in commissioning and controlling different forms of art production to suit his propaganda goals.Alan Forrest, "Propaganda and the Legitimation of Power in Napoleonic France". French History, 2004 18(4): 426–45
In Britain, Russia and across Europe—though not in France—Napoleon was a popular topic of caricature.Hubert N.B. Richardson, A Dictionary of Napoleon and His Times (1921) online free pp. 101–06.Mark, Bryant, "Broadsides against Boney." History Today 60.1 (2010): 52+Mark Bryant, Napoleonic Wars in Cartoons (Grub Street, 2009). After Nazi Germany conquered France in 1940, Hitler marched in triumph in Paris and paid homage to Napoleon at Les Invalides.
French remembrance and evaluation
Hazareesingh (2004) explores how Napoleon's image and memory are best understood. They played a key role in collective political defiance of the Bourbon restoration monarchy in 1815–1830. People from different walks of life and areas of France, particularly Napoleonic veterans, drew on the Napoleonic legacy and its connections with the ideals of the 1789 Revolution.Sudhir Hazareesingh, "Memory and Political Imagination: the Legend of Napoleon Revisited". French History, 2004 18(4): 463–83
Widespread rumours of Napoleon's return from St. Helena and Napoleon as an inspiration for patriotism, individual and collective liberties, and political mobilization manifested themselves in seditious materials, displaying the tricolor and rosettes. There were also subversive activities celebrating anniversaries of Napoleon's life and reign and disrupting royal celebrations—they demonstrated the prevailing and successful goal of the varied supporters of Napoleon to constantly destabilize the Bourbon regime.Hazareesingh, (2004).
Datta (2005) shows that, following the collapse of militaristic Boulangism in the late 1880s, the Napoleonic legend was divorced from party politics and revived in popular culture. Concentrating on two plays and two novels from the period—Victorien Sardou's Madame Sans-Gêne (1893), Maurice Barrès's Les Déracinés (1897), Edmond Rostand's L'Aiglon (1900), and André de Lorde and Gyp's Napoléonette (1913)—Datta examines how writers and critics of the Belle Époque exploited the Napoleonic legend for diverse political and cultural ends.Venita Datta, "'L'appel Au Soldat': Visions of the Napoleonic Legend in Popular Culture of the Belle Epoque". French Historical Studies 2005 28(1): 1–30
International Napoleonic Congresses take place regularly, with participation by members of the French and American military, French politicians and scholars from different countries. Napoleon died on May 5, 1821. The anniversary 200 years later on May 5, 2021, saw France deeply divided over his memory and heritage. Roger Cohen, "France Battles Over Whether to Cancel or Celebrate Napoleon: President Emmanuel Macron laid a wreath at the emperor's tomb on the 200th anniversary of his death, stepping into a national debate over the legacy of Napoleon." The New York Times May 5, 2021
President Charles de Gaulle disapproved of Napoleon. While noting Napoleon's genius, de Gaulle wrote that "he left France smaller than he had found her". Other French presidents have usually avoided mention of Napoleon; for a conservative to praise him would often mean counterattacks from the left, and vice versa for left-wing politicians who are typically critical of the emperor. President Emmanuel Macron has praised him, saying that "Napoleon is the man who gave shape to our political and administrative organization, to the uncertain sovereignty that emerged from the Revolution. ... After months of failure, with France besieged, Napoleon was able to incarnate order."Roger Cohen, "Macron Condemns Napoleon's Restoration of Slavery, 200 Years Later: The French president's speech on the 200th anniversary of the emperor's death combined a rebuke for a betrayal of the Enlightenment and recognition of his achievements. The New York Times May 6, 2021 The remarks were criticized, especially on the issues of Haiti, slavery and race. Macron subsequently clarified his comments, stating that the restoration of slavery in 1802 was a "mistake, a betrayal of the spirit of the Enlightenment".Cohen (2021).
Long-term influence outside France