The Pidjanan languages are a subgroup of Arawakan languages of northern South America.
Names The term Pidjanan was coined by Sérgio Meira (2019) from Wapishana pidan ‘people’, as can be seen in the ethnonyms Wa-pishana and Mao-pidian.Meira, Sérgio. 2019. A Study of the Genetic Relation between Mawayana and Wapishana (Arawakan Family) . Revista Brasileira de Línguas Indígenas (RBLI), vol. 2, no. 1 (Jan.-Jun. 2019), pp. 70-104.
They are referred to as Mapidianic in Glottolog 4.3, and as Rio Branco by Nikulin & Carvalho (2019: 270).Nikulin, Andrey; Fernando O. de Carvalho. 2019. Estudos diacrônicos de línguas indígenas brasileiras: um panorama . Macabéa – Revista Eletrônica do Netlli, v. 8, n. 2 (2019), p. 255-305. (PDF )
Languages According to Meira (2019), the Pidjanan languages are:
Pidjanan Mawayana (Mapidian, Maopidian), spoken by a dozen elderly people living in ethnic Waiwai and Tiriyó villages in Brazil and Suriname Wapishana, spoken by over 6,000 people on both sides of the Guyana-Brazil border ? Atorad (Atorai)
Wapishana is more conservative, while Mawayana has innovated more from Proto-Pidjanan.
Ramirez's (2020) classification is:
Pidjanan Mawayana Wapishanan
Wapishana Atorai
Parawana Aroaqui
Parawana and Aroaqui are closely related, and may be the same language.
Proto-language
Proto-Pidjanan has been reconstructed by Meira (2019).
Phonology Proto-Pidjanan consonant phonemes: {| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;" ! !Labial !Alveolar !Palatal !Retroflex !Velar !Glottal |- !Plosive | *p || *t || || || *k || *ʔ |- !Implosive | *ɓ || *ɗ || *ɗʲ || || || |- !Affricate | || || *ʦ,*ʧ || || || |- !Fricative | || *s || || *ʐ || || |- !Tap/Flap | || *ɾ || || *ɽ || || |- !Nasal | *m || *n || *ɲ || || || |- !Approximant | *w || || (*j) || || ||
Proto-Pidjanan vowel phonemes: {| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;" ! !Front !Central !Back |- !Close | *i || *ɨ || *u |- !Open | *a || ||
Morphology
Proto-Pidjanan person-marking prefixes: {| class="wikitable" ! pronoun !! Proto-Pidjanan !! Mawayana !! Wapishana |- ! 1S | *nu- || n- || ũ- |- ! 2S | *pɨ- || ɨ- || pɨ- |- ! 3S.MASC | *(ɾ)ɨ- || ɾɨ- || ɨ- |- ! 3S.FEM | *(ɾ)u- || u- || u- |- ! 3S.COREF | *pa- || a- || pa- |- ! 1P | *wa- || wa- || wa- |- ! 2P | *ɨ- || ɨ- || pɨ- |- ! 3P | *nV- || na- || -ĩ
Proto-Pidjanan person-marking suffixes: {| class="wikitable" ! pronoun !! Proto-Pidjanan !! Mawayana !! Wapishana |- ! 1S | *-na || -na || -n, -na |- ! 2S | *-pV || -i || -p, -pa |- ! 3S.MASC | *-(ɽ)ɨ || -sɨ || -ʐɨ |- ! 3S.FEM | *-(ɽ)u || || -ʐu |- ! 1P | *-wi || -wi || |- ! 2P | *-wiko || -wiko || |- ! 3P | *-nu || -nu || -ʐɨ
The functions of person markers (verbs in the -ɲɨ ‘realis’/‘present’ form).
{| class="wikitable" ! personal marker function !! Proto-Pidjanan !! Mawayana !! Wapishana |- ! A and O on transitives | *nu-ɾuʔita-ɲɨ-ɽɨ ‘I hit him’ || n-ɾite-sɨ || ũ-ʐuʔita-nɨ-ʐɨ |- ! SA on active intransitives | *(ɾ)ɨ-siʔuka-ɲɨ ‘he walks’ || ɾɨ-suke || ɨ-ʧiʔika-n |- ! SO on stative intransitives | *wɨɽa(-ɲɨ)-ɽɨ ‘he is red’ || usa-sɨ || ɨ-wɨʐa(-n) |- ! arguments on adpositions | *(ɾ)ɨ-(i)tɨma ‘with him’ || ɾi-ʃima || ɨ-tɨma |- ! possessors on nouns | *nu-kɨnɨ ‘my song’ || n-kɨnɨ || ũ-kɨnɨ
Nominal possession possessed and non-possessed forms.
{| class="wikitable" ! possession marker !! Proto-Pidjanan !! Mawayana !! Wapishana |- ! Possession marker | *-nɨ (e.g., *wa-maɾija-nɨ ‘our knife’) || wa-maɾe-nɨ || wa-marija-n |- ! Possession marker zero | *(ɾ)ɨ-ʦaɓa ‘his seat’ || ɾiʔ-isaɓa || ɨ-taɓa |- ! Non-possessed status | *(i)ʦaɓa-i ‘seat’ || isaɓe || taɓa-i
Lexicon Unless indicated otherwise, the Mawayana and Wapishana data below is from Sérgio Meira's field notes, as cited in Meira (2019).
Meira's Mawayana data is from Marurunau, Guyana, and his Wapishana data is from Mapuera (a village that is mostly ethnic Waiwai), Nhamundá-Mapuera Indigenous Area, Pará State, Brazil. The other sources are:
Howard (1985-1986)Howard, C. V. Formulário dos vocabulários padrões: Questionário do Museu Nacional. 2nd ed. (1960), manuscript. Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (Filled in for Mawayana), 1985-1986. Carlin (2006)Carlin, E. Feeling the need: the borrowing of Cariban functional categories into Mawayana (Arawak). In Aikhenvald, A. Y.; Dixon, R. M. W. (eds.). Grammars in contact: A cross-linguistic typology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. p.313–332. Carlin (no date)Carlin, E. Karahpaɗa. Arahka iwehtoponpë, Japoma inponopïhpë. [A short text, “Story of curassow sp.”, in Mawayana, Tiriyó, English, and Dutch], no date. WLP (2000)WLP (Wapishana Language Project). Tominpainao Ati’o Wapichan Paradan Paradakaru na’iki Paradauzo-karu kaduzu / Scholar’s Dictionary and Grammar of the Wapishana Language. Lethem: Wapishana Language Project, Rupununi, Region 9, Guyana. Porto Velho: SIL International, 2000. Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013)Silva, B.; Silva, N. de S.; Oliveira, O. Paradakary Urudnaa: Dicionário Wapichana/Português Português/Wapichana. Boa Vista: EdUFRR, 2013. WLP (2001)WLP (Wapishana Language Project). Wapishana Primer. Lethem: Wapishana Language Project, Rupununi, Region 9, Guyana. Porto Velho: SIL International, 2001 (1986).
{| class="wikitable sortable" ! no. !! gloss !! Proto-Pidjanan !! Mawayana !! source (Mawayana) !! Wapishana !! source (Wapishana) |- | 1 || açaí palm || *waɓu || waɓu || || waɓu || WLP (2000) |- | 2 || acouchy || *aɗuɾi || aɗuɾi || || aɗuɾi || WLP (2000) |- | 3 || ant sp. || *kuki || kuki ‘saúva’ || || kuki ‘leafcutter ant’ || |- | 4 || armadillo sp. || *mVɾuɾV ? || muɾuɾa ‘armadillo sp.’ || || maɾuɾu ‘giant armadillo’ || |- | 5 || armpit || *kisapu || ɾɨ-keːsu || || ɨ-kiʃapu || |- | 6 || as (essive) || *niː || ni ‘(change) into’ || Carlin (2006) || niː ‘future’, ‘essive’ || |- | 7 || bacaba palm || *mapɨɽɨ || mɨsɨ || || mapɨʐa || WLP (2000) |- | 8 || banana || *sɨːɽɨ || sɨsɨɓa || || sɨːʐɨ || WLP (2000) |- | 9 || bat || *tamaɾɨwa || tamaɾɨwa || || tamaɾɨu || WLP (2000) |- | 10 || bathe (to) || *kawa || kaw-e || Carlin (no date) || ũ-kau-pa-n || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 11 || beads || *kasuɾuː || kasuɾu || || kaʃuɾuː || WLP (2000) |- | 12 || bee / honey || *maːɓa || maɓa || || maːɓa || |- | 13 || belt || *ɽantawɨ || ɨ-ɾantawɨɗa || || ʐaːɗawi || WLP (2000) |- | 14 || bird || *kutɨʔɨɽa || kuʧɨsa || || kutɨʔɨʐa || |- | 15 || bird sp. 1 || *anaɾau || anaɾu ‘socó (heron sp.)’ || || anaɾau ‘marrecão (duck sp.)’ || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 16 || bird sp. 2 || *ma(ɾ)atɨ || maːtɨ ‘jacu bird’ || || maɾatɨ ‘unidentified bird’ || WLP (2000) |- | 17 || bird sp. 3 || *kaɾapa || kaɾahpaɗa ‘arahka’ || Carlin (no date) || kaɾapa ‘aracuã’ || WLP (2001) |- | 18 || bite (to) || *a(ɾ)uːta || ɾ-autʃa-na ‘he bit me’ || Carlin (2006) || aɾuːta-n || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 19 || black || *puɗɨ || uɗɨ-ɾe || || puɗɨ-ʔu || WLP (2000) |- | 20 || blow (to) || *puːta || ɾ-uʧ-e || Howard (1985-1986) || ɨ-puːta-n || WLP (2000) |- | 21 || Brazil nut || *minaɨ || minɨ ‘peanut’, ‘Brazil nut’ || || minaɨ || WLP (2000) |- | 22 || breast || *ɗɨɲɨ || ɾiː-ɗɨ || || ɨ-ɗɨnɨ || WLP (2000) |- | 23 || buriti palm || *ɗʲɨwɨ || jɨwɨ ‘buriti’ || || ɗʲɨwɨ ‘ité fruit’ || WLP (2000) |- | 24 || burn (to) || *kaʔawa || kaw-e ‘burn (intr.)’ || || kaʔawa-n ‘burn (intr.)’ || WLP (2000) |- | 25 || butterfly || *ʦamaʦama || samasama || || tamtam || WLP (2000) |- | 26 || caiman sp. || *atuɾɨ || aʧuɾɨ || || atuɾɨ ‘small caiman’ || |- | 27 || cajá fruit || *ɽuːɓa || ɾuɓa || || ʐuːp || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 28 || canoe || *kanawa || kanawa || || kanawa || WLP (2000) |- | 29 || capybara || *kasu || kasu || || kaʃu || WLP (2000) |- | 30 || child || *kuɾai- || kuɾenu || || kuɾaiɗaunaː || |- | 31 || child / egg || *ɗaɲi || ɾiː-ɗe, ɾiː-ɗesi || || ɨ-ɗani || |- | 32 || cicada || *wamu || womu || || wamu || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 33 || claw / nail || *ɓaɗʲi || ɾɨ-ɓaɗʲi || || ɨ-ɓaʐi || WLP (2000) |- | 34 || coati || *kuaɗjɨ || kaɗɨ || || kuaʧi || WLP (2000) |- | 35 || cockroach || *ɓasaɾawa || ɓasaɾawa || || ɓaʃaɾau || WLP (2000) |- | 36 || comb || *mauCi || mutiɓa || || maudi || WLP (2000) |- | 37 || corn || *maɽiki || maɾiki || || maʐiki || WLP (2000) |- | 38 || curassow || *pawisi || awisi || || pawiʃi || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 39 || deer sp. || *kusaɾa || kusaɾa ‘deer, small’ || || kuʃaɾa ‘deer, bush’ || |- | 40 || die (to) || *mawa- || maw-ɗa || || mawa-ka, mau-ka-n || WLP (2000) |- | 41 || dry || *maːɾa || maɾa-ɓa-sɨ || Howard (1985-1986) || maːɾa-n || WLP (2000) |- | 42 || eagle sp. || *kuku- || kukuɗa ‘hawk sp.’ || || kukui ‘harpy eagle’ || WLP (2000) |- | 43 || earthworm || *paɽaɾu || aɾaɾu || || paʐaɾu || WLP (2000) |- | 44 || eat (to) || *ɲika || ɾ-ĩka || || pɨ-nika || WLP (2000) |- | 45 || elbow || *patuɾi || ɾiː-ɸaʧuɾi || || ɨ-patuɾi || WLP (2000) |- | 46 || electric eel || *kaʦumi || katumi || || kasumi || WLP (2000) |- | 47 || fan || *awaɾiba || wiɾiɓe, n-wiɾiɓa || || awaɾiɓa-i || WLP (2000) |- | 48 || father || *Ca || ɾɨ-ta || || ɨ-daɾɨ || |- | 49 || fire || *tikaɽi || ʃikaɾi || || tikaʐi || |- | 50 || fish || *kupaɨ || kuwɨ || || kupaɨ || |- | 51 || fish sp. 1 || *ɽiːta || ɾiʧe ‘traíra’ || || ʐiːtaɓa ‘fish sp.’ || WLP (2000) |- | 52 || fish sp. 2 || *aʧimaɾa || atimaɾa ‘trairão’ || || aʧimaɾa ‘fish sp.’ || WLP (2000) |- | 53 || fish sp. 3 || *kuɾɨɽɨ || kuɾɨsɨ ‘surubim’ || || kuɾɨʐɨ ‘surubim’ || WLP (2000) |- | 54 || flat area || *ɗaːɾa || ɗaɾa ‘grass(land)’ || || ɗaːɾa ‘a flat barrier’ || WLP (2000) |- | 55 || flower || *sɨwɨ || ɾɨ-sɨwɨ || Howard (1985-1986) || ɨ-suːsu || WLP (2000) |- | 56 || from || *(ɾ)iki || aʔu-ɾiki ‘from there’ || Carlin (2006) || iki || WLP (2000) |- | 57 || fruit || *(a)ka || ɾɨ-ka || || ɨ-aka || WLP (2000) |- | 58 || give (to) || *taː || ɾɨ-ʧ-e-sɨ || Howard (1985-1986) || ɨ-taː-n || |- | 59 || grandmother || *(ʃ)Vːɽu ? || wa-ʃuɾu || || ɨʔ- ɨːʐu || WLP (2000) |- | 60 || hair || *iCi || ɾ-iʃiɾama || || ɨ-iʃi || WLP (2000) |- | 61 || hand || *kaʔɨ || ɾɨ-kɨɓa || || ɨ-kaʔɨ || |- | 62 || heart || *ɲɨkɨɲɨja || ɾiːʔ-ĩkĩjã || || ɨ-ɲɨkɨnɨː || WLP (2000) |- | 63 || hit (to) || *ɽuʔita || ɾita-ka-nu ‘hit each other’ || Howard (1985-1986) || ɨ-ʐuʔita-n ‘he hit’ || WLP (2000) |- | 64 || house || *paɲi- || aĩku || || paniɓa ‘outside’, paniːnum ‘entrance, door, doorway’ || WLP (2000) |- | 65 || I || *nnu || nnu || || ũɡaɾɨ || WLP (2000) |- | 66 || if / when || *ana || ana || Carlin (2006) || ana || WLP (2000) |- | 67 || iguana || *suwana || suwanaɗa || || suwan || WLP (2000) |- | 68 || inajá palm || *puk- ? || ukatɨ ‘inajá’ || || pukuɾidi ‘kokorite palm’ || WLP (2000) |- | 69 || ingá tree || *kuɾami || kuɾami ‘ingá’ || || kuɾami ‘ingá do mato’ || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 70 || intestines || *ukuɾi(ɾi) || ɾ-ukuɾiɾi || || ɨ-ukuɾi || |- | 71 || knee || *kuɗuɾu || ɾiː-kuɗuɾu || || ɨ-kuɗuɾu || |- | 72 || knife || *maɾija || maɾe || || maɾiː, ɨ-maɾija-n || |- | 73 || language || *paɾa || ɾiːʔ-aɾa || || ɨ-paɾada-n || WLP (2000) |- | 74 || leaf || *anaɓa || ɾ-anaɓa || || ɨ-anaɓa || WLP (2000) |- | 75 || left hand || *asVɓa- || asuɓaɗʲanu ‘right hand’ || Howard (1985-1986) || aʃaɓaɾu || Silva, Silva & Oliveira (2013) |- | 76 || leg / shin || *(i)taɓa || ɾiː-ʃaɓa ‘leg, shin’ || || ɨ-taɓaʔu ‘leg’ || |- | 77 || louse || *nnai || nni || || nai || |- | 78 || macaw sp. || *(k)aɽaɾu || aɾaɾu ‘yellow macaw’ || || kaʐaɾɨ ‘yellow macaw’ || WLP (2000) |- | 79 || manioc || *kaɲɨɽɨ || kaːsɨ, kãːsɨ || || kanɨʐɨ || WLP (2000) |- | 80 || manioc press || *(ɲ)iːɽu- ? || isune || || niːʐu || WLP (2000) |- | 81 || meat food || *wɨɲɨ || wĩ, ɾɨ-wɨnɨ || Howard (1985-1986) || wɨnɨ-i, ɨ-wɨnɨ || WLP (2000) |- | 82 || medicine || *-ʦaɾa || ɾɨ-ɨtaɾa || || ɨ-kasaɾa || WLP (2000) |- | 83 || monkey sp. 1 || *ɾuːmu || ɾumu ‘spider monkey’ || || ɾuːmi ‘spider monkey’ || |- | 84 || monkey sp. 2 || *ʦɨɓɨɾɨ || tɨɓɨɾɨ ‘howler monkey’ || || sɨɓɨɾɨ ‘howler monkey’ || |- | 85 || monkey sp. 3 || *puwatɨ || otʃɨ ‘capuchin monkey’ || || puwatɨ ‘capuchin monkey’ ||