Fernando Bravo James (; 19 October 1912 – 17 November 1962) was a Bolivian politician and militant of POR (Partido Obrero Revolucionario–Revolutionary Workers' Party), a Trotskyist organization.S. Sàndor John, Bolivias Radical Tradition. Permanent Revolution in the Andes, (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009).Pierre Frank, Fjärde Internationalen -ett bidrag till den trotskistiska rörelsens historia, swedish translation Sven Vahlne (La Quatrième International), (Göteborg: Partisanförlag, 1972), pp. 125-135. He was an economist, senior lecturer at the Universidad Técnica de Oruro and at the Universidad Mayor de San Andrés, trade union leader and educator. He was a tireless fighter for the cause of the proletariat and the youth.E. Nadezhda Bravo Cladera, Elsa Cladera de Bravo. Maestra de profesión y revolución, (La Paz: Correveidile, 2013), pp. 34-54, 59-62, 66-75.

Biography The man

The father of Fernando Bravo James, doctor Zacarías Bravo Miranda, was one of the doctors who graduated from the first class of the Potosí medical school at the "Universidad Tomás Frías", founded in 1892. Fernando's mother, María James Revilla, was born in Potosí. The surname James comes from Maria's father, Benjamín James, who was of Irish origin. The couple had five children: Carmela, Sofía, Fernando, Gaby and María Luisa Bravo James. The siblings on the fathers genealogy were an older brother Esteban Bravo and on the mother's side, one younger sister and brother, Betty and Jorge López James.Bravo Cladera, Elsa Cladera de Bravo, pp. 34–54. Bravo James did his primary studies at the "Colegio Nacional Pichincha" in Potosí. He continued his studies at the American Institute of La Paz where he graduated from high school. Fernando had many qualities: he was easy to deal with and pleasant in his conversation. He had a melodious voice and enjoyed singing with his three daughters. He composed a libretto of revolutionary songs for his party the POR, based on well-known and popular melodies, to which he wrote the lyrics.Fernando Bravo James, "Cuaderno de canciones del comité local de Catavi del POR". Partido Obrero Revolucionario (Secc. Boliviana de la IV Internacional), (N.p., Ediciones Lucha Minera, Secretaría de Publicaciones, 1944-1950).

"Those who knew him perfectly remember his eternal state of cordial serenity", writes Jaime Amonzabel.Jaime Amonzabel, "Una vida ejemplar: Fernando Bravo James", El Diario, La Paz (1 December 1970). "Bravo James never adopted poses, much less contemptuous self-sufficiency toward his interlocutor. This transcendent simplicity of human affection, toward those who approached him, accompanied him throughout his life." Lucha Obrera points out Fernando's "value as an intellectual and his dynamic and rich activity amidst the masses". Fernando Bravo "was above all a Trotskyist militant. His personality was fused with the organization, the revolutionary process, the flesh and bones of the workers, as he used to say." Fernando Bravo James dedicated his life to his political ideals and he did so consistently. Elsa Cladera de Bravo testifies: "He never compromised with his principles. He fought without hesitation, unyieldingly ... he was like steel that breaks and does not bend. He had a clear concept of his duty."Elsa Cladera de Bravo, "Datos biográficos sobre Fernando Bravo James", no date (possible written in Fribourg, Switzerland between 1974 and 1999). Elsa Cladera de Bravo Writing's (ECBW).

Joining the POR

Bravo James "belonged to the generation that witnessed and participated in the Chaco War [1932–1935]. His spirit was shaken by the war promoted by imperialism. While still very young, on his return from the Chaco region he joined the political currents that sought an explanation and a solution to the problems of Bolivia." After his participation in that war against Paraguay, he moved to the La Joya mining site and "soon joined the nascent mining workers’ movement." It was in Oruro, that Bravo joined the POR in the 1940s, remaining active in the Trotskyist party until his death.Bravo Cladera, Elsa Cladera de Bravo, p. 38. "Indefatigable for more than 25 years, Comrade Fernando Bravo, as a militant and leader of the POR, was dedicated to the revolutionary struggles of the Bolivian masses", states Lucha Obrera.

Meeting Elsa Cladera Encinas

Elsa and Fernando met in Oruro in 1942. In that same year, on 21 December, the Catavi massacre took place. "There in the pampas that were later named 'María Barzola', troops fired on a demonstration of 8 000 people, in which women and children occupied the front lines."Sergio Almaráz, El poder y la caída (La Paz-Cochabamba, Los amigos del libro), p. 132 With this background, Elsa tells of her meeting with Fernando:

Elsa Cladera de Bravo, Oruro, 1943Elsa Cladera de Bravo, "Como conocí a Fernando Bravo", n.d., ECBW.

This was the event that captured Elsa's hearth, they were married in 1943. Fernando and Elsa had three daughters.

University student, senior lecturer

"As a university student, Fernando Bravo attended the students National Congresses and held leading positions, in which he promoted the alliance of students and mine workers""Fernando Bravo vive en el pensamiento..." In 1943 he became General Secretary of the Center for Economic Sciences Students of the Universidad Técnica de Oruro.Revista Económica, (Oruro: Centro de Estudios Económicos y Financieros. Universidad Técnica de Oruro, Julio–Septiembre 1951), p. 216

Bravo James graduated as a financial auditor in 1945 and obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree in Economics in 1949 from the Universidad Técnica de Oruro. He was one of the senior lecturers "forged in the own classrooms and whose merit is indisputable", writes Barrón Feraudi.Jorge Barrón Feraudi, Esbozo Monográfico de la Facultad de Economía, (Oruro: Universidad Técnica de Oruro, 1963), p, 92 "Fernando Bravo James ... was a high-carat intellectual, honest politician and relentless social fighter who sided with the popular masses. As an instructor of General and National Economic Geography for more than seven years, both his broad knowledge and his youthful teaching ardor were evident. In 1956 he moved to La Paz, where as a result of a tough competitive examination he was chosen to teach the same subject at that city's university in the faculty of Economics". Fernando Bravo James also lectured on Historical Materialism at the Universidad Obrera de Oruro from 1950 to 1956. He was a senior lecturer in Economic Sciences at the Universidad Mayor de San Andrés in La Paz from 1956 to 1962.Bravo Cladera, Elsa Cladera de Bravo, p. 40

Tireless fighter for the cause for the proletariat and youth Source: Labor-University Pact antecedent of the Pulacayo Thesis

"From 1942 on, Fernando Bravo shared in the conflicts and struggles of the mine workers", writes Lucha Obrera. "He participated in the organization of the Federación Sindical de Trabajadores Mineros de Bolivia (FSTMB–Bolivian Mine Workers Union federation), not only in organizational tasks but also in the ideological orientation of the miners." "On [July 29], 1946 he signed the Pacto Obrero -Universitario [Worker–University Pact] in Catavi. This accord was worked out on the basis of a program that he had prepared; it was the first time that a pact of this kind was made. In addition to many demands related to the mining and university sectors, its must fundamental point was the call to nationalize the mines which was the key national objective throughout this period", notes Elsa Cladera de Bravo.Elsa Cladera de Bravo, "Datos biográficos..." "Until now nobody has cited... the university–mining Pact of July 1946 as an immediate antecedent of the "Thesis of Pulacayo" thus one of the indispensable premises of the Thesis has been overlooked", points out Guillermo Lora.Guillermo Lora, "La tesis de Pulacayo", in Guillermo Lora Obras Completas, t. XXI:1933– 1946 (La Paz: Ediciones Masas), p. 416.

The worker–university Pact signed in 1946

The Pact between the FSTMB (Federación Sindical de Trabajadores Mineros de Bolivia) and the University Federation of Oruro.

The representatives of the FSTMB and the delegates of the revolutionary University Committee of Oruro have signed the following university–worker agreement as a condition for the resumption of work in the mines; further guaranteeing this pact is its endorsement by the General Secretary of the University Federation of Oruro.

1) The workers element of the mines support the university students of the University of Oruro as long as the later do not deviate from the revolutionary line established by the program of principles of the FUL (Federación Universitaria Local) and by the present agreement. The FSTMB will resort to direct mass action to guarantee strict compliance with its goals.

2) The university element is committed to fight using all means necessary for the realization of the points supported by the FSTMB in the present pact.

University Students and Miners agree on the following:

3) Fight against the "ROSCA" [The economic and political elite dominated by the mine barons Patiño, Hochschild and Aramayo] and its agents to prevent them by all necessary means from seizing the power.

4) Organization of Mixed Student Worker Committees, to control the revolutionary situation created.

5) Impose the points approved in the Third Congress of Miners:

a) Sliding scale of wages.

b) Sliding scale of working hours.

c) Collective contract.

d) Elimination of the company–store system; readjustment and regulation of consumer supply.

e) Freedom of assembly, organization, press and propaganda.

f) Strict compliance with all laws and decrees that benefit the working classes established by the previous government.

g) Cancellation of the unionization office of the Ministry of Labor.

6) Direct worker-university control over mine administration.

7) Full guarantees of the rights of leaders and members of the FSTMB for union and university organizations.

8) The right to organize for public employees in general and particularly for members of the National Teachers' League.

9) Restoration of Educational Autonomy.

10) The workers will be represented on the Governing Board by members democratically chosen by the trade–union organizations (FSTMB, RAILWAY WORKERS, GRAPHIC WORKERS, DRIVERS and OTHERS).

11) Distribution of arms to the workers as a means to fight for the defense of social legislation laws against the moves by the "ROSCA" and to fight for social revolution.

12) Formation of the proletarian united front.

13) Complete working–class control of the Workers' Insurance and Savings Fund as well as the railway workers', teachers' and similar retirement systems.

Fernando Bravo James, La Patria, Oruro (30 July 1946)Fernando Bravo James, "Se firmó el pacto obrero-universitario", La Patria , Oruro (30 July 1946).Michael Lowy, El marxismo en América Latina: antología, desde 1909 hasta nuestros días (Chile: LOM Ediciones, 2007), p. 206.

As noted the Worker–University Pact was the antecedent of the "Thesis of Pulacayo". It states that the workers and the university students will fight together against the "ROSCA". It puts forward a series of social demands, such as the creation of student committees, the sliding scale of wages, the regulation of working hours, collective bargaining, workers control, trade–union independence, educational autonomy, the proletarian united front and weapons for the workers as a measure in the defense of social legislation.Bravo Cladera, Elsa Cladera de Bravo, p. 42.

The "Thesis of Pulacayo" is written