Anarchism as a social movement is one of the manifestations of the political left within the working classes of Puerto Rico, having its peak during the late 19th and early 20th century. Anarchism was predominantly present within, but not exclusive to, the working classes that emerged as the sociopolitical environment changed. The municipalities of Caguas and Bayamón were the epicenters of the movement. It was also recorded in other industrial centers, such as Ponce, San Juan, Arecibo, Cayey, Cidra, Juncos, Vega Baja, Utuado, Lares, Yauco and Mayagüez. Despite sharing some core values, Puerto Rican anarchism was heterogeneous in nature. In general, Puerto Rican anarchism was distinctly anti-organized religion, in particular against the Catholic Church that had retained considerable influence since the beginning of Spanish colonialism. Following the Treaty of Paris, it also grew to oppose American sovereignty, as it perceived that the island was being forced into servitude with an Americanization initiative, leading to distinct antiauthoritarian stances against both foreign and local politicians, the wealthy higher classes and American labor unions. However, on principle (as an opposition to nationalism, which was viewed as a manner for the state to consolidate power) the anarchists opposed joining the independence movement.
During the early 20th century, anarchists were considered a small, but active, minority within the Puerto Rican left. The movement attracted women, particularly younger ones, who felt unsatisfied within what they considered a predominantly "patriarchal society". Initiatives were made to create schools for the uneducated fraction of the population. It also faced unique circumstances among the Latin American anarchist movements, operating under an American colonial administration (whereas all of the others operated in a post-colonial or neocolonial environment), by not conforming to particular ethnic groups and by lacking an influx of Spanish anarchists after 1898. They still opposed organizations that represented Spanish power, such as was the case in 1912, when they participated in an anti-Church campaign led by anti-clerical activist Belén de Sárraga. As part of their internationalist ideals, Puerto Rican anarchists would denounce the working conditions in places abroad, such as Tampa. Ultimately, defection of leaders and government intervention mined Puerto Rican anarchism. Some like Iglesias Pantín did it early and formed an alliance with the AFL, eventually becoming a socialist senator in 1917.
The union's ties with the AFL distanced it from the anarchist roots of Spanish syndicates, from which the local working class had been linked. The former formally adopted a liberal ideology that mirrored their associate. However, with it also came an anti-anarchist sentiment that was predominant within the higher echelons of the AFL. Romero Rosa moved away from anarchism as he made his move to party politics, being elected in 1904. On March 9, 1911, Vilar in representation of the CES lead the tobacco worker's strike at Caguas. During the late stages of the event, two wealthy citizens were shot. The colonial authorities responded by intervening with a number of anarchists, leading to reports of torture. The suspect was eventually tried and found guilty of first degree murder. Vilar was not accused in this case, but the colonial authorities decided to charge him for violating the public morality codes, after he denounced a case of child abuse by a member of the clergy. In 1915, Vilar died while serving the year sentence for which he was convicted. The event led to a crisis in which several leaders either migrated or left for more moderate causes. Another fraction of the Puerto Rican anarchists would migrate to political organizations, such as the Partido Socislista. Figures like Romero Rosa would be lost, in his case becoming increasingly conservative and abandoning his previous political stance.
History Background and origins The first strike related to working conditions that is recorded took place at San Juan, then the capital of the Spanish colonial government, in 1848. Following the 1868 Spanish Republic and the abolition of slavery five years later, the economic changes pushed farmers to the urban centers of Puerto Rico creating a new working class composed by salaried plantation workers and "artisans" (craftsmen). Following the 1873 decree of free association by Primo de Rivera, tobacco workshops created recreation centers for the employees where liberal ideas were shared in plays held at gatherings (later classified as "a vehicle for class self-affirmation") and which led to the propagation of stances against what was perceived as work exploitation. This was followed by the systematic incorporation of mutual aid initiatives for collective well-being (such Santiago Andrade's Sociedad Amigos del Bien Público) and casinos, such as the Círculo de Recreo y Beneficiencia. Camaraderie between the visitors to these groups allowed the systemic creation of a class identity, reflected in the emergence of cultural elements like Puerto Rican danza being born from it and initiatives to promote literacy (for which specific initiatives, like the Sociedad Protectora de la Inteligencia del Obrero, were created) and formal arts among its members. Later, the role of the lector (a literate speaker that was paid to read while the cigar rollers worked) was used to promote literacy and was also used in propagating leftist ideas, cooperativism and an open defiance to the authorities in order to preserve their autonomy.
During the 1880s, following the abolishment of slavery a shift was seen with an increasing working class migrating to novel coffee plantations that were supplanting the sugar plantations of Spanish slavers. By 1890, lectores were known at San Juan, which being the capital and a port city, had access to a number of foreign publications where these concepts were discussed in detail. The labor movement, however, remained an emergent entity until late in the decade, and the development of local anarchist mirrored this tendency. At least ten working class newspapers would be created between 1874 and 1897, beginning with El Artesano. Most were published by region, with four appearing in Ponce and three in San Juan. Soon the educated sectors of this class began initiatives to educate illiterate individuals in the factories, mainly those devoted to the manufacturing of tobacco, where a "lector" or reader would read the local news and political/literary material sampled from the recommendations of a commission (Marx, Malatesta, Kropotkin, Bakunin, etc.) and chosen by the workers. They would later discuss the content within themselves.
Groups that provided support in case of death or injury/illness were also organized. Cooperatives were first established during this timeframe. The sudden change in the landscape, however, created an over abundance of workers and not sufficient spaces to accommodate them. By the 1890s, strikes were being held to protest an increase in taxes. The appearance of anarchist newspaper Ensayo Obrero disturbed colonial governor Sabas Marín González enough to write a letter to king Alfonso XIII of Spain, lamenting the impending expansion of anarchism through Puerto Rico. The functionary requested the Crown to pass laws that prevented the printed publication of the ideas.
In 1896, Spanish-born anarchist Santiago Iglesias Pantín - who claimed to have been involved in the anarchist movements abroad and that he had been forced to leave the Spanish possession of Cuba due to his involvement in their independence efforts - made a scale in Puerto Rico in a transatlantic voyage towards England. Once there, he decided to stay at San Juan, where he found ideological affinity with some of the residents. Towards the end of the decade, the first known copy of Mikhail Bakunin's Federalism, Socialism, Anti-Theologism was first recorded in Puerto Rico, being translated and reprinted locally at Mayagüez. This and other books were distributed along propaganda made by local prints and directed to the working class. At the moment, individuals like Ramón Romero Rosa pushed these initiatives as an emancipative strategy. A literate segment of the class (led by figures such as José Ferrer y Ferrer) became increasingly radicalized and adopted the ideas of authors like Bakunin as they became freely available, leading the way for what would become the first groups identified with libertarian socialism.
In 1897, José Ferre y Ferrer, Eusebio Félix, Fernando Gómez Acosta, Ramón Romero Rosa and Eduardo Conde joined Iglesias in founding a CES called El Porvenir de Borinquen in San Juan, which would publish Ensayo Obrero, where they published from a variety of socialists stances including anarchism. Their bi-weekly reunions centered around these topics, backed by a growing library of anarchist and socialist literature. In 1898, Ensayo Obrero introduced female activist Dominica González. By 1900, there were more than 30 CESs throughout Puerto Rico, with San Juan, Ponce, Cayey, Yauco and Mayagüez hosting more than one. These early anarchists believed that workers were intentionally being withheld an education and that patrons were limiting their free time and income towards this end in order to keep them disorganized. A strike led to the suspension of the lector, but additional pressure allowed the practice to continue.
As CES distribution of publications and propaganda expanded, Esteban Rivera and Gabino Moczo made arrangements for a new institution where the materials were readily available and El Ensayo Obrero could be edited. After protests were held the day that Luis Muñoz Rivera swore in as prime minister of the new autonomic arrangement between Puerto Rico and Spain (February 11, 1898), the government and working class organizations were at odds. The Spanish authorities intervened with Ensayo Obrero, concerned with calls for a labor federation and international collaboration emerged from it. On March 25, 1898, a "proletariat meeting" was formally held led by Eduardo Conde, Ramón Romero Rosa, José Mauleón, José Ferrer y Ferrer, Juan Cepeda, Emiliano Ramos and Santiago Iglesias Pantín. Ensayo Obrero was fined, while Iglesias Pantín was held and later arrested. Copies of Ensayo Obrero were expected to be sent to them for authorization, which the publishers often avoided resulting in fines and imprisonment for Ferrer and Iglesias.
Ensayo Obrero remained neutral on the status of Puerto Rico, as Puerto Rico entered a new autonomy with Spain, the local anarchists took allied with the Autonomist movement in an attempt to reduce the foreign influence and sided with the eventual loser, José Celso Barbosa, since he proposed severing ties to the Spanish Liberal Party limiting the European presence more. The unexpected moderation of this editorial line was met with criticism from the more radical workers, who negatively called it a "conservative turn", while the editors began denying being labelled as anarchists in what they called a stereotypical and destructive sense. Regardless of this, the government withheld the publishing of Ensayo Obrero and jailed figures from the labor movement including Emiliano Ramos and Iglesias.
Anarchists vs. American government