The Leiden Draft is the translation used in Anglophone historiographyCf. Schama, p. 95; Jourdan; and Israel, p. 1106, though Israel uses the translation "project" for "ontwerp" of the Dutch-language concept Leids Ontwerp, a draft-manifesto discussed by the Holland congress of representatives of exercitiegenootschappen (Patriot militias) on 8 October 1785 in Leiden in the context of the so-called Patriot revolution of 1785 in the Dutch Republic. This draft resulted in publication of the manifesto entitled Ontwerp om de Republiek door eene heilzaame Vereeniging van Belangen van Regent en Burger van Binnen Gelukkig en van Buiten Gedugt te maaken, Leiden, aangenomen bij besluit van de Provinciale Vergadering van de Gewapende Corpsen in Holland, op 4 oktober 1785 te Leiden (Design to make the Republic inwardly contented and outwardly feared by a salutary union of interests of Regent and Citizen).Landesarchiv, Abt. Wolfenbüttel: holländische Druckschriften, die nach Veröffentlichung des berühmten Memoires der beiden Amsterdamer Bürgermeister vom 8. Juni 1781 zur Verteidigung Hzg. Ludwig Ernsts und der ganzen guten Sache in Holland erschienen sind. It contained an exposition of the Patriot ideology and arrived at the formulation of twenty proposals of political reform in a democratic vein.
The ideas were only realized to a large extent under the Batavian Republic, when they inspired the Dutch Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, but they were earlier also influential in the intellectual history of the French Revolution thanks to the French translation the journalist Antoine Marie Cerisier, a collaborator of Mirabeau, published in 1788. According to American and British historians Jeremy D. Popkin and Jonathan Israel this French translation may have influenced the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.
Background The American Revolution made a deep impression in the Dutch Republic of the 1770s. Intellectuals like Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol and his friend François Adriaan van der Kemp disseminated the ideas of Thomas Paine, Richard Price, Andrew Fletcher and Joseph Priestley, and generally news about the accomplishments of the American revolutionaries. On the one hand this helped convince Dutch public opinion to support the American Revolution, but on the other hand undermined the autocratic government of stadtholder William V and his Orangist party of Regenten. The public support of the American revolutionaries helped bring about an armed conflict with Great Britain, the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War, which was mishandled by the stadtholder to such an extent that the criticisms of his regime gained wide support under the population. His opponents were found in circles of the old anti-Orangist ("States party") faction among Dutch regents, and among adherents of democratic ideals. These came together as a political movement that called themselves "Patriots". As the stadtholder controlled the armed forces: the Dutch States Army and the Dutch Navy, the Patriots started to arm themselves by forming citizen militias, known as exercitiegenootschappen (so-called, because they liked to train themselves by the performance of military drills). These were local militias, overlaid by a federal association that bound them together and made them a national force to be reckoned with. The regime saw this as a threat and tried to discourage their operations where possible.Israel, pp. 1098-1106 On 23 July 1785 (as one example) the city government of Leiden prohibited the activities of the Leiden exercitiegenootschap and fined its drill master. This elicited a reaction by both the local and the provincial militia: they organised a congress of representatives of Holland militias that convened four times between 4 and 8 October 1785 in Leiden in the meeting room of the Society Kunst wordt door Arbeid verkregen (Art is the result of Labour), one of the Patriot clubs in LeidenCf. Postma, op. cit.
Genesis of the manifesto At this congress a draft of a manifesto was adopted that became known as the Leiden Ontwerp (which is often translated into English as "Leiden Draft"The Dutch word Ontwerp may be translated as both "draft" and "design". But in this case ontwerp may be used in both meanings, because the document was a draft of a political design of a new Dutch constitution.). Who exactly wrote this draft was not entirely clear.Cf. S.R.E. Klein and J. Rosendaal, Democratie in context. Nieuwe perspectieven op het Leids Ontwerp in: De Achttiende Eeuw, vol. 26 (1994), pp. 71-100 However it is likely that the members of the commission that was charged by the congress with the writing of a final document, also had had a hand in the original draft. These were the journalist Wybo Fijnje,Wybo Fijnje was the brother-in-law of the Leiden publisher of the French-language Dutch newspaper Gazette de Leyde, Jean Luzac, a friend of American ambassador John Adams. the Leiden textile manufacturer Pieter Vreede as president, and the Overijssel aristocrat Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck and François Adriaan van der Kemp, less known are Jacob Blauw and Cornelis van Foreest.Landesarchiv, Abt. Wolfenbüttel: holländische Druckschriften, die nach Veröffentlichung des berühmten Memoires der beiden Amsterdamer Bürgermeister vom 8. Juni 1781 zur Verteidigung Hzg. Ludwig Ernsts und der ganzen guten Sache in Holland erschienen sind. On 4 October 1785, after four sessions they edited the final draft that was published as Ontwerp om de Republiek door eene heilzaame Vereeniging van Belangen van Regent en Burger van Binnen Gelukkig en van Buiten Gedugt te maaken, aangenomen bij besluit van de Provinciale Vergadering van de Gewapende Corpsen in Holland (Design to make the Republic inwardly contented and outwardly feared by a salutary union of interests of Regent and Citizen, Leiden, adopted by resolution of the Provincial Assembly of the Armed Forces in Holland) by the publisher Leendert Herdingh. A new scheme was formulated for attractive and well paid urban and provincial offices. Colonels of the exercitiegenootschappen from Alkmaar and Westzaan were present.Landesarchiv, Abt. Wolfenbüttel: holländische Druckschriften, die nach Veröffentlichung des berühmten Memoires der beiden Amsterdamer Bürgermeister vom 8. Juni 1781 zur Verteidigung Hzg. Ludwig Ernsts und der ganzen guten Sache in Holland erschienen sind. The design became so popular that in May 1786 a third edition was necessary. The journalist Gerrit Paape later wrote that a copy of the manifesto was in almost everybody's hand.Cf. Postma, op. cit.; Schama, pp. 95
Main points In the 68 pages of the document first an exposition was given of the main ideas behind the "design" into which the argument issued. That argument may be summarized by giving the headings of the sections of the paper (in translation): 1. Necessity of the preservation of the originally good Constitution, by correction of the abuses that have slipped in 2. The stadtholderate not a sufficient means for the repair of the original Constitution 3. The detrimental and offensive fact of the independence of the Regents from the people, whose representatives they are 4. What has much contributed in later times to enlarge the detrimental effects of the independence of the Regents 5. Dangers to which the Regents are subject in case they don't want to enter into the project of reform 6. Dangers to which the independence of the Regents subjects the liberty of the Citizen 7. Advantages of this Reform for the Regents 8. Rights of the People in relation to Petitions 9. Necessity of the Constitutional Reform in relation to National Defense 10. Necessity of a Constitutional Reform for improvement of public morals and for economic growth 11. Conclusions from the above arguments as foundations of the Reform, and correct stipulation of everybody's rights
The argument resulted in an enumeration of twenty numbered articles: I. Freedom is an inalienable right of all Dutch citizens. No power on Earth can impede them to make use of that Freedom II. This Freedom would be illusory if it would not be founded on the right to be governed under laws to which the citizens have consented, either in person, or by their representatives III. These representatives must not be independent of those they represent, and their appointment by the People according to a constant and regulated system is an appropriate means to prevent such independence IV. The return of this right of appointment to the People must consist of either annual election by the People of municipal magistrates, or at least the nomination of the candidates from which the magistrates co-opt new members of the magistracy V. Though sovereignty ultimately belongs to the People, for practical reasons government must be left to state colleges and departments. The People retain the right to influence government by petitions and addresses. To enable the People to do this in a reasoned form they have to be informed by a Free Press and have to enjoy Freedom of Expression that may not be subject to prior restraint, though it may subject to judicial sanction after the fact VI. Everywhere the Regents promote this Constitutional Reform they may not be deprived arbitrarily of their existing offices, unless those offices contravene this new Constitution, or one person holds two incompatible offices VII. The People will have to leave the officers they have elected to do their job during their time in office and to give them their trust VIII. The officers of the Municipal Militias will be elected by their members and in case the regulations declare government and military offices incompatible, those regulations will be scrupulously observed IX. Nobody will be eligible for government office who has not served in a militia X. Citizen-commissioners will be appointed to audit the public accounts and to guarantee the exercise of rights XI. There will be regular accounts of the Public Finances on all government levels XII. Citizen-commissioners will have the right and duty to investigate matters concerning industry and trade and to recommend policies pertaining to those matters to the government XIII. Citizen-commissioners will not step down from their posts all at once, but only a part of the membership will be renewed periodically XIV. Though the state has to make expenditures for the maintenance of infrastructure and those expenditures must therefore not suffer undue austerity, the People have the right to demand the abolition of useless and costly institutions and practices, with just compensation for the holders of the abolished rights and offices XV. The electors of Magistrates must be the members of the militias, unless this right of election belonged to the Guilds XVI. To avoid the problem of electors selling their vote, the right of election will be reserved to people with a certain position of wealth, depending on local circumstances XVII. Regulations may be made as to the qualifications of both electors and their representatives XVIII. Petty offices should preferentially be given to people of exemplary behavior, military veterans, and people originating locally (instead of people from abroad) XIX. Civic militias should be promoted so as to support the Army against foreign enemies and to oppose that Army in case it becomes the instrument of domestic tyranny XX. To serve those two purposes the citizens should be divided in three classes, whose members, selected by drawing lots, will have to serve in the militia in rotation
Influence