The participation of the United States in regime change in Latin America involved U.S.-backed coup d'états which were aimed at replacing left-wing leaders with right-wing ones, military juntas, or authoritarian regimes. Intervention of an economic and military variety was prevalent during the Cold War (1947–1991). Although originally in line with the Truman Doctrine (1947) of containment, United States involvement in regime change increased following the drafting of NSC 68 (1950), which advocated more aggressive actions against potential Soviet allies.Heuser, Beatrice. “NSC 68 and the Soviet Threat: a New Perspective on Western Threat Perception and Policy Making.” Review of International Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 17–40.
In the early 20th century, during the "Banana Republic" era of Latin American history, the U.S. launched several interventions and invasions in the region (known as the Banana Wars) in order to promote American business interests. United States influenced regime change in this period of Latin American history which started after the signing of the Treaty of Paris in the wake of the Spanish–American War. Cuba gained its independence, while Puerto Rico was annexed by the United States. Expansive and imperialist U.S. foreign policy combined with new economic prospects led to increased U.S. intervention in Latin America from 1898 to the early 1930s.Gilderhusrt, Mark T. (2000). Ewell, Judith; Beezley, William H. (eds.). The Second Century: U.S.–Latin American Relations Since 1889. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 49. . Continued activities lasted into the late 20th century.
History
Argentina
In Argentina, military forces overthrew the democratically elected President Isabel Perón in the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, starting the military dictatorship of General Jorge Rafael Videla, known as the National Reorganization Process. The coup was accepted and tacitly supported by the Ford administration and the U.S. government had close relations with the ensuing authoritarian regime, with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger paying several official visits to Argentina during the dictatorship. Videla and Emilio Eduardo Massera were graduates of the School of Americas, which according to Congressman Joseph P. Kennedy II was "...a school that has run more dictators than any other school in the history of the world."Who Benefits from Global Violence and War: Uncovering A Destructive System, by Marc Pilisuk, 2008, Greenwood Publishing Group, p. 147.
Bolivia
The U.S. government supported the 1971 coup led by General Hugo Banzer that toppled President Juan José Torres of Bolivia. Torres had displeased Washington by convening an "Asamblea del Pueblo" (People's Assembly), in which representatives of specific proletarian sectors of society were represented (miners, unionized teachers, students, peasants), and more generally by leading the country in what was perceived as a left wing direction. Banzer hatched a bloody military uprising starting on August 18, 1971, that succeeded in taking the reins of power by August 22, 1971. After Banzer took power, the U.S. provided extensive military and other aid to the Banzer dictatorship. Torres, who had fled Bolivia, was kidnapped and assassinated in 1976 as part of Operation Condor, the U.S.-supported campaign of political repression and state terrorism by South American right-wing dictators.
Brazil
Brazil experienced several decades of authoritarian governments, especially after the U.S.-backed 1964 Brazilian coup d'état against social democrat João Goulart. Under then-President John F. Kennedy, the U.S. sought to "prevent Brazil from becoming another China or Cuba", a policy which was carried forward under Lyndon B. Johnson and which led to U.S. military support for the coup in April 1964. According to Vincent Bevins, the topping of João Goulart was one of the most significant victories for the U.S. during the Cold War, as the military dictatorship established in Brazil, the fifth most populous nation in the world, "played a crucial role in pushing the rest of South America into the pro-Washington, anticommunist group of nations."
Chile Actions against Allende's Government
After the democratic election of President Salvador Allende in 1970, President Richard Nixon ordered an economic war, which is known as Track II, due to Allende's democratic socialist leanings. According to American journalist Peter Kornbluh, declassified CIA documents released in 2017 revealed that the CIA had assets in Chile that included a leader of the Christian Democratic Party of Chile, two senior executives of El Mercurio, and a high-ranking military officer.
A declassified report from the U.S. government "Annex-NSSM 97" details the plan developed in 1970 to overthrow Allende were he to take office. The document explicitly states that the U.S. government's role should not be revealed and would primarily use Chilean institutions as a means of ousting the president. The Chilean military is highlighted as the best means to achieve this goal. The benefits of a coup initiated by the military are to reduce the threat of Marxism in Latin America and to disarm a potential threat to the United States.Interdepartmental, Memorandum, "Annex-NSSM 97, Extreme Option—Overthrow Allende," Secret, August 18, 1970.
According to historian Sebastián Hurtado Torres, there is no documentary evidence to support that the United States government acted actively in the coordination and execution of the coup actions by the Chilean Armed Forces from September 11, 1973 itself. However, Richard Nixon's interest from the beginning was that the Allende government would not be consolidated and intervened in the conditions prior to the Chilean coup of 1973. Historian Peter Winn found "extensive evidence" of United States complicity in events that helped in part to create the conditions that led to the coup.Peter Kornbluh (11 September 2013). The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. The New Press. Lubna Z. Qureshi. Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books, 2009. However, given the local political polarization and the performance of the Popular Unity government, there is no academic consensus on whether this intervention—which primarily took the form of financial support for the media, political parties, and opposition organizations—played a decisive role in the events of September 11, 1973.
Actions against the Pinochet dictatorship
The coup was followed by the 17 year-long military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. which had an US. arms embargo known as the "Kennedy Amendment" since 1976 during a period of high tensions between Chile and its neighbours, specially Argentina. Previously, in 1975 there were officials from the Embassy and the Policy Planning Office of the Department of State who requested that economic and military aid to Chile be cut off, but these proposals were rejected by the ambassador and officials from the Pentagon and the Department of the Treasury. The Jimmy Carter Administration also prevented a Pinochet state visit to the Philippines from happening. Chile traded with China by establishing a "strict observance of the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of each country". In 1988, a presidential referendum was held in order to confirm Pinochet's rule for 8 more years. The oppositional Concertation of Parties for Democracy endorsed the "No" option, winning the referendum and ending Pinochet's rule democratically, was supported financially and logistically by the National Endowment for Democracy (linked to the CIA) during Ronald Reagan's tenure, as well as support by George Soros. After that, free elections were held in 1989 with Concertation winning again. In 1989, the Chilean grape scare occurred: the United States detected cyanide in two grapes originating from Chile, leading authorities to order the suspension of all Chilean fruit shipments and their complete withdrawal from the market. The measure triggered a bilateral crisis with significant economic consequences and also had effects on Chile's domestic politics and was seen as intervention by the US.
U.S.M.C. Lieutenant Colonel Patrick J. Ryan discussed the Chilean coup and the Kennedy Amendment in his 1976 book titled "Allende's Chile: 1000 Bungled Days", stating:
Colombia Plan Colombia and the CIA assassination program (2000–2010s) Plan Colombia, launched in 2000, was a multi‑billion dollar U.S. aid package ostensibly aimed at fighting drug trafficking and left‑wing guerrillas (FARC, ELN). In its first year alone, the U.S. appropriated $1.3 billion – making Colombia the third‑largest recipient of U.S. foreign aid at the time.Congressional Research Service (2000). “Plan Colombia: A Summary of U.S. Assistance”. CRS Report RL30541. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress. Human rights organisations documented that between 2000 and 2016, more than 220,000 people were killed and over 7 million forcibly displaced, with paramilitary groups linked to the Colombian military committing most atrocities.Human Rights Watch (2016). “Colombia: Human Rights Concerns Under Plan Colombia”. World Report 2016.
Concurrent with Plan Colombia, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ran a secret intelligence and assassination program that helped the Colombian military locate and kill at least two dozen FARC leaders. The program provided GPS‑guided smart bombs and real‑time intelligence, bypassing standard rules of engagement. The 2008 killing of FARC commander Raúl Reyes was carried out with U.S. intelligence.Associated Press (2013). “Report: CIA helped Colombia kill rebel leaders”.BBC News (2013). “Washington Post says CIA helped Colombia kill Farc leaders”.
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has been accused of using development funding to undermine left‑wing movements and promote pro‑U.S. policies. Critics argue that USAID fosters non‑governmental organisations whose real agenda is to inculcate anti‑government or pro‑U.S. attitudes.Radio Free Asia (2025). “The Demise of USAID: Few Regrets in Latin America”. When the Trump administration announced cuts to USAID in 2025, Colombian President Gustavo Petro remarked that the aid was “poison”, showing little regret over its suspension.Radio Free Asia (2025). “The Demise of USAID: Few Regrets in Latin America”.
The election of Gustavo Petro, Colombia’s first left‑wing president, in 2022 led to heightened tensions with the United States. Petro has repeatedly warned that he is the target of a “soft coup” – a campaign to undermine his government through legal and political means rather than open military action.Jacobin (2024). “Colombia’s Right Is Trying to ‘Soft Coup’ Gustavo Petro”.
In June 2025, the Spanish newspaper El País published leaked audio recordings of Álvaro Leyva, Petro’s own former foreign minister, conspiring to remove the president. Leyva discussed a plan to replace Petro with Vice President Francia Márquez and sought international support, including from advisors close to the Trump administration and Republican congressmen, to apply pressure on Petro to resign. The White House denied any official involvement, but Petro denounced a “conspiracy with drug traffickers and, apparently, the Colombian and American extreme right.” In July 2025, the U.S. State Department recalled its top diplomat in Bogotá, and Colombia recalled its ambassador from Washington.Reuters (2025). “US recalls top diplomat from Colombia after Petro’s ‘extreme right conspiracy’ claim”.El País (2025). “Las grabaciones de Leyva: el plan para sacar a Petro en 20 días con apoyo de congresistas republicanos”. Madrid & Bogotá, June 18, 2025.