The Istiqlal Party is a political party in Morocco. It is a conservative and monarchist party and a member of the Centrist Democrat International and International Democracy Union. Istiqlal headed a coalition government under Abbas El Fassi from 19 September 2007 to 29 November 2011. From 2013 to 2021, it was part of the opposition. Since 2021 it is part of a coalition government led by Aziz Akhannouch.
The party emerged on 10 December 1943 during the anti-colonial struggle against French and Spanish imperial rule, making it the oldest active political party in Morocco. Due to its contribution to the independence, it was initially the largest political party in Morocco and as a result sought to create a one-party state. However, it came into conflict with the King who was threatened by their ambitions. He sought a multi party system by encouraged the formation of other parties and encouraging divisions within the Istiqlal which ended up with its left wing faction breaking away into the National Union of Popular Forces (UNFP) in 1959.
From the 1960s onwards, the Istiqlal was generally part of the opposition, sometimes in alliance with the USFP until 1998 when they joined the Youssoufi alternance government with the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP).
Historically, the Istiqlal was made up of multiple political tendencies. Today, it advocates for an egalitarianism not based in the liberal or socialist tradition. They are Moroccan nationalists and conservatives. Their ideology is rooted in reformist Salafism.
History Background The 1930 Berber Dahir which established separate judicial systems for Arabs and Berbers in Morocco functioned as a catalyst for the formation of the Moroccan nationalist movement. In response to the Dahir, nationalists like Ahmed Balafrej and Allal al-Fassi began to coordinate. In August 1930, activists from Salé, Rabat, Tetouan and Fes formed the Zawiya a steering committee composed of the most important nationalist leaders. There was also a larger group called the or the "Outer Circle". Another organisation that formed from the protest movement against the Dahir was the (; CAM) also known as the National Action Bloc (; or the Kutla). The Kutla reached 6500 members before it disbanded in 1937. Its president was Allal al-Fassi and its secretary was Mohammed Hassan Ouazzani. The Kutla published the Plan of Reforms () in 1934 in both Arabic and French which only sought reform and the restoring of confidence in the aims of the 1912 Treaty of Fes rather than outright independence.. "Strikingly, the Plan did not call for an independent Morocco or separation from France; instead, it aimed at " restoring confidence in the work of France in Morocco " and demanded greater Moroccan participation in government, a more cooperative relationship with the Residency, and a more faithful execution of the provisions of the 1912 Treaty of Fez...The decision to work within the framework of the Residency was sincere, for at that moment, the nationalist leadership still did not visualize Morocco without France. But that did not mean a relationship of servility or abuse. At a fundamental level, the Plan launched a frontal assault on the colonial mentality and the corrupt practices it had engendered; namely, the racism, discrimination, and anti-liberalism that allowed Moroccans to be treated as inferiors.". "It summarized their reformist agenda, which still accepted and assumed a Franco-Moroccan protectorate framework but appealed to the "protector" to do a better job of fulfilling the mandate of the Treaty of Fes.". "The Plan de Réformes called not for independence but for a true application of the Treaty of Fez, a real Protectorate. Its long preamble explained that Moroccan sovereignty had not been extinguished in 1912, and that under the treaty, the Sultan continued to embody the Moroccan identity. The purpose of the Protectorate was reform, which was also the wish of the Moroccan population, so that a 'real' Protectorate was therefore a democratic demand. Nowhere was there any recognition of a possible conflict between these democratic ideals and the authority of the Sultan." After the nationalist movement began to split in 1937, the Kutla was succeeded by the (Ḥizb al-Waṭanī) which al-Fassi co-led.
Foundation
The Istiqlal Party was founded by former members of the on 10 December 1943. The party chose Ahmed Balafrej as its head and Allal al-Fassi in the "purely honorary" role of zaʿīm of the Istiqlal. On 11 January 1944, they published their Independence Manifesto which called for "the independence of Morocco in its national entirety under the aegis of His Majesty Sidi Muhammad Bin Yusuf" and a democratic constitutional government that guaranteed the rights of "all elements in society". The manifesto also made other demands: Muhammad V negotiating independence, Morocco signing the Atlantic Charter and taking part in the peace conference. It had 56, 58 or 59 signatories including figures like Ahmed Belafrej, Mehdi Ben Barka and Abderrahmane Youssoufi. The only female signatory was Malika al-Fassi. The Istiqlal held Arab nationalist views and sought to incorporate Berbers into a larger Moroccan national identity based in Arabism and Islam. Its nationalism was bourgeois and opposed to traditional institutions. The party originally represented an amalgam of a small and long-standing national conservative bourgeoise made of merchant families and religious scholars from Fes and a middle class made up of groups like teachers and doctors. The Istiqlal was made up of a coalition of different political tendencies. Despite its myriad of influences, the Istiqlal did not appeal to all Moroccans. For example, it was seen with suspicion by Sufi orders due to the Istiqlal's Salafism and Berber tribal leaders and members due to its Pan-Arabist rhetoric. The Istiqlal later expanded to include a working class population represented through the Moroccan Workers' Union (UMT). It worked hard to expand its base to include groups like the urban working class but failed to find a lot of appeal in rural areas. It functioned as the main political force struggling for the independence of Morocco. The initial goal stated in their manifesto was the independence from France “within the framework of a constitutional-democratic monarchy”.
The establishment of the Istiqlal reflected an ideological shift in the movement from reform to independence and a transition to a mass party format that included broad parts of the Moroccan population. Groups that preceded the Istiqlal like the Taifa, Zawiya and the Kutla only made efforts to reform the protectorate rather than demand full independence. Protectorate officials in writings from 1944 acknowledged that "the ideas of nation and independence are henceforth commonly acknowledged". Calls for both reform and independence did persist until formal independence. According to al-Fassi, the shift from reform to independence was influenced by several factors including "the impact of the War, the Atlantic Charter, the Allied landings in North Africa, and the declaration of independence of Syria and Lebanon".
The leadership of Istiqlal was successful in overcoming “petty rivalries” between the different parties and anticolonial organizations and unifying the nationalist movement. This factor added to the campaign of Moroccan activists spread across the world and contributed to achieving international visibility and support for their cause.
Independence movement The sultan received the Independence Manifesto and approved it before it was sent to the secretary general. The manifesto was also presented to the British and American consulates in Rabat. The French reacted to the manifesto with hostility leading to the Istiqlal clarifying that they did not want to jeopardize the war effort and were against violence. There were peaceful demonstrations of support for the Istiqlal from Moroccans in the main cities. Charles de Gaulle reinstated the protectorate after WW2 ended and the manifesto was ignored which enraged previously apolitical Moroccans. The French also arrested some nationalist figures like Ahmed Belafrej and Mohamed Lyazidi accusing them of collaborating with the Axis. In response to these arrests, there was demonstrations, violence and more arrests showing that the Manifesto achieved its goal of rousing the Moroccan public. The French quelled these demonstrations using Senegalese Tirailleurs who were resented in Morocco particularly due to racism. As a result of these events, Berbers became closer to the nationalist cause and the sultan became more outspoken. Since the Istiqlal became deprived of its leadership as a result of the arrests, they had to go to younger militants to reorganise the party and campaign to win international support.
In 1947, Allal al-Fassi and other nationalist leaders returned to Morocco from exile. This period of exile increased their legitimacy as representatives of the nation and their return was met with huge banquets and parades in Fes and Rabat and helped expand the membership of his organisation. After this return from exile, al-Fassi became leader of Istiqlal and founded the newspaper Al-Alam. However, he soon went into self-exile in Cairo after clashes with the Istiqlal leadership.
During this period, the nationalists of the Istiqlal contributed to building up Sultan Mohammed V's image as the "essence of Morocco's independence hopes". His controversial exile that was supported the pro-French pasha of Marrakesh and grand caid Thami al-Glaoui further reinforced his image to the point he became a martyr. Some even attributed to him supernatural exiles. The Istiqlal were outraged by his exile and they depicted the restoration of the sultan as a religious duty. The Istiqlal critiqued the French government claiming that the deposition of the sultan violated Morocco’s sovereignty. Furthermore, they directed their anger against Thami al-Glaoui who they deemed a traitor. In an event before the Sultan's exile, al-Glaoui accused the sultan of being a communist and atheist labelling him as the "Sultan of the Istiqlal" rather than of Morocco.
After Mohammed V's exile, the Moroccan nationalist movement turned to violence, in particular through urban terrorism. While the non-jailed internal leadership of the Istiqlal condemned the violence, Allal al-Fassi from his Cairo self-exile made a call for armed struggle on radio which spread throughout all of Morocco. Various urban resistance groups made up of loosely coordinated cells emerged. One of these, "the Secret Organisation" (al-Munazzama al-Sirriya), was founded by the Istiqlal. Between 20 August 1953 and 6 April 1956, the urban resistance launched 4,520 violent attacks targeting infrastructure in Moroccan cities, mostly Casablanca. For example, in the central market of Casablanca, on Christmas Eve of September, there was a huge explosion that killed 23 people. This act was claimed by the resistance and the head of the Secret Organisation, Muhammad Zarqtuni, was arrested and accused of planning the attack. Rather than reveal the secrets of the organisation, he committed suicide.
Transnational advocacy for independence Establishing crucial contacts for advocating the Moroccan independence abroad happened in Tangier, since it was assigned as an international zone and thus under less influence of the French or Spanish. In Tangier Moroccan Nationalists established contact with Americans residing in Morocco, which among others provided US intelligence contacts. Outside of Morocco, important developments in advocating for Moroccan independence happened in Cairo, within the United Nations, and in Paris. Advocating in France was primarily focussed on communicating with French society, disseminating and exchanging information, and mobilizing students.
Post-independence tensions 1956–1959