The Maclean Mission (MACMIS) was a World War II British mission to Yugoslav partisans HQ and Marshal Tito organised by the Special Operations Executive (SOE) in September 1943. Its aim was to assess the value of the partisans' contribution to the Allied cause and the means to increase it. It was led by a recently promoted Brigadier Fitzroy Maclean and was the first such mission with full authorization and a personal message from Winston Churchill.Maclean, p. 418 His memoir of these years forms the final third of Eastern Approaches (1949). The mission and the wider British wartime policies were reviewed at a London conference in July 1973, with recently released official records and recollections of some of the participants.Auty, Clogg, p. vii
Background By mid-1943, British government realised, through intercepted German intelligence, that "armed bands bearing the name of Partisans and led by a shadowy figure known as Tito" were causing Germans considerable inconvenience, especially in Bosnia. Very little else was known about them in London. It was believed that they were under communist leadership, with various theories about the identity of Tito ranging from an acronym, rotating post and even "a young woman of startling beauty and great force of character".Maclean, pp. 279-280Auty, Clogg, p. 291
A few British officers had been dropped to partisan controlled areas recently, but due to the fierce fighting, there has been no comprehensive report from them. Maclean and his team were sent to "form an estimate on the spot of the relative value of the partisans' contribution to the Allied cause and the best means of helping them to increase it".Maclean, p. 279Auty, Clogg, p. 222
On 25 July 1943, Churchill met Maclean at Chequers, the Prime Minister's country house, north-west of London. During the evening, the PM announced that Mussolini had resigned. He then told Maclean:
Maclean then expressed concern about partisans' leadership communist and pro-Soviet ambitions. Churchill responded:
Maclean, who was a Conservative MP at the time and had no liking for communists, was relieved. He left for Cairo to prepare the mission.Maclean, p. 282 On 28 July 1943, Churchill wrote to the Foreign Secretary that he wanted "a daring Ambassador-leader with these hardy and hunted guerrillas", making Maclean an ideal candidate.Deakin, p. 226
Thirty-two-year-old Maclean, a former diplomat realised that the mission would require professional soldiers, explosive, intelligence and supply experts as well as people with political experience. Hence, he picked cavalry officer Robin Whetherly (27), SAS Major Vivian Street and John Henniker-Major (27) another soldier-diplomat to accompany him. Later, they were joined by three sappers: Peter Moore, Donald Knight and Michael Parker who was to be in charge of supply logistics and Gordon Alston (25), an intelligence officer.Auty, Clogg, p. 225 The security was assigned to Sgt Duncan, Cpl Dickson (Scots Guards) and Cpl Kelly (Seaforth Highlanders) and communication to two wireless operators. Just before the departure, they were joined by an American Major Linn "Slim" Farish (41), who claimed that he could build aerodromes. It was decided to leave two officers, David Satow and Sgt Charlie Button behind as rear-link and supply support.Maclean, pp. 294-298
Mission In early-Sep 1943, the group flew from Cairo to Bizerta, where they switched planes and boarded Halifax bombers for a flight to the mountains of Bosnia.Maclean, p. 298
First impressions and meeting Tito On 17 September 1943,Deakin, p. 242 the parachuted group and their cargo landed near Mrkonjić Grad and were met by Vladimir Velebit (36) and Slavko Rodić (25), who helped them move onto Jajce to meet Tito (51).Williams, p. 182McConville, p. 89 Maclean, who had been to Soviet Union long after the revolution, now saw real-life partisans for the first time:
Maclean met Tito (51) and explained the purpose and ambition of his mission. Both men were fluent in German and Russian. Maclean explained that the British government had received reports of partisan resistance and were anxious to help. His team of military experts was to establish the extent and nature of the movement as well as report and advise how help could best be given. He suggested sending an officer with a wireless set to each of the main partisan HQs throughout the country and agree the best way to arrange to supplies. Tito agreed and wanted the British representatives to see how the partisans were fighting in different regions. As Italy had recently capitulated, they considered sending supplies by sea, before Germans had had a chance to reoccupy the coast.Maclean, pp. 308-310McConville, p. 92
The discussion moved onto Chetniks, and possible renewed co-operation between the two forces, which by now seemed impossible. Tito mentioned his initial meetings with Col Mihailović (50), but realised that his troops had become too undisciplined and demoralised from long inaction, and had gone too far in their collaboration with the enemy. He then introduced Father Vlado (40), a Serbian Orthodox priest, who had left chetniks to join the partisans and who in addition to the usual red star, wore a gold cross as his cap badge. They discussed the future of the young King Peter II of Yugoslavia (20), still exiled in London. At a suggestion that the king might return to join the partisans, Tito replied that he could come as a soldier and not as a reigning sovereign, as the question of the future form of government would be settled after the war was over. Finally, Maclean asked if Tito's new Yugoslavia would be an independent state or part of the Soviet Union, the response surprised him somewhat: "You must remember the sacrifices which we are making in this struggle for our independence. Hundreds of thousands of Yugoslavs have suffered torture and death, men, women and children. Vast areas of our countryside have been laid waste. You need not suppose that we shall lightly cast aside a prize which has been won at such cost."Maclean, pp. 311-316
Maclean left the meeting with much to consider. He found Tito having energy, determination and intelligence as well as sense of humour who was ready to give his views on any subject that crops up: "Here, at last, was a communist who did not need to refer everything to the 'competent authorities', to look up the Party line at every step... there was that unexpected independence of mind, that odd lack of servility..."Maclean, p. 316
Immersion and the switch of support
Maclean's next task was to meet up with the three British officers who had already been posted with the partisans for some time and collate their feedback. Anthony Hunter was a Scots Fusilier who commanded a patrol of LRDG in Croatia. Major Jones was a Canadian officer, who joined the British army before being posted in Slovenia. Finally, Bill Deakin (30), who arrived to Tito's HQ as part of the Operation Typical at the height of the German Fifth Offensive, and "able to give us a better idea than anyone of what the partisans were worth".Maclean, pp. 320-321McConville, p. 91
What they saw for themselves was very different from what they were told in London and Cairo prior to their departure - "a well-led nationwide resistance movement that had been containing between dozen and twenty enemy divisions".Auty, Clogg, pp. 226-227
By now, Maclean had a much better understanding of the partisan movement and its motivation:
The movement was led by a group of young army officers and revolutionaries: Arso Jovanović (36), Tito's CoS, former Royal Yugoslav Army officer, was "coldly competent", Edvard Kardelj (33), the expert Marxist dialectician was "perfectly frank, perfectly logical, perfectly calm and unruffled", Aleksandar Ranković (34) in charge of the Intelligence services who was "not, you felt, a man who would come off worst in a bargain", Milovan Đilas (32), "young, intolerant and good looking" and Moša Pijade (53), an elderly Jewish Belgrade intellectual who became a "favourite target for Nazi propaganda". Finally, the two women, in charge of keeping Tito's maps, lists and bundles of signals were Davorjanka-Zdenka Paunović (22) and Olga Humo (24). Olga, "tall and well-built, in her black breeches and boots, with a pistol hanging at her belt", was especially useful to the British mission as she was one of the rare people who spoke fluent English having attended a finishing school in London before the war.Maclean, pp. 326-328
After a long period of observation, investigation and feedback from officers in the field, Maclean drafted his report. In it he stated that the partisans, whatever their politics, were fighting the Germans most effectively. They were more numerous, better led, organised and disciplined than the Chetniks, who were largely either not fighting at all or fighting with the Germans against their own countrymen. At the time, the partisans were containing a dozen or more enemy divisions and by increasing the "practically non-existent supplies" to them and giving them air-support, the Allies could ensure that they continued to contain this force. Their operations, if coordinated, could be of direct assistance to the recently arrived Allied armies in Italy.Maclean, pp. 338-339
Finally, Maclean had stated that the Allies were getting little or no return militarily from the arms they had dropped to the Chetniks, and that they were used against the partisans, who were fighting the Germans, and were impeding rather than furthering the war effort. He concluded that, purely on military grounds, the Allies should stop supplies to the Chetniks and "henceforth send all available arms and equipment to the partisans".Maclean, p.339
Journey to the coast While in contact with the Royal Navy, Maclean had arranged for the landing supplies to the island of Korčula, recently freed from the Italian army. He suggested that he would go there himself, with a wireless set and give particulars about the landing facilities. The first section of the journey, from Jajce to Bugojno was done "rather surprisingly" by a captured train, which left the station followed by the whistles of three retired station masters "complete with magnificent peaked caps, liberally adorned with gold braids, flags, whistles and all paraphernalia of office" on 5 October 1943.Maclean, pp. 343-344Williams, p. 182Deakin, p. 243McConville, p. 93
In Bugojno, by now largely in ruins, Maclean noticed a group of Domobran POWs, who were "miserable troops...took the first opportunity of deserting or let themselves be taken prisoner" and whom "partisans regarded with good-natured toleration".Maclean, p. 345 He then met up with Koča Popović (35), the commander of Partisan First Corps, who made quite an impression:
After Bugojno, the group was on the move to Kupres and Livno, marching on foot beside their packed horses. They were unsure if it was safe to continue, when they encountered Ivo Lola Ribar (27), who "had a distinguished fighting record", and who confirmed that the partisans had recaptured Livno and were fighting in Kupres, which would also be in their hands shortly.Maclean, p. 349 After being unable to establish wireless contact with Cairo HQ at Kupres, they were driven by a shot-down Italian pilot who delivered them in a captured motor-bus to Livno at night. The next stop was Aržano, after which they continued onto Zadvarje and finally on foot to Baška Voda. Once there, the group was met by two partisan fishermen, who took them in their fishing smack to Sućuraj, and finally reached Korčula at dawn.Maclean, pp. 350-366
On Korčula