Student activism in the Philippines from 1965 to 1972 played a key role in the events which led to Ferdinand Marcos' declaration of Martial Law in 1972, and the Marcos regime's eventual downfall during the events of the People Power Revolution of 1986.Francisco, Katerina. “Martial Law, the dark chapter in Philippine history.” Rappler, September 22, 2016. https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/146939-martial-law-explainer-victims-stories/

A significant increase in student activism took place towards the end of 1969 and the beginning of 1970, as a result of the 1969 Philippine balance of payments crisis which sprang from the administration's debt-driven spending during Ferdinand Marcos' campaign for his second presidential term University students during this period found themselves attracted to political movements from across the political spectrum,Talitha Espiritu Passionate Revolutions: The Media and the Rise and Fall of the Marcos Regime Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2017. ranging from "moderates" wanted to create change through political reforms, including church groups, civil libertarians, social democrats, and nationalist politicians; and "radicals" who wanted broader, more systemic political reforms, such as student groups associated with labor groups, or with the National Democracy movement. These differences of political orientation became less pronounced in the first three months of 1970, however, as Marcos cracked down on a series of student protests which later became known as the First Quarter Storm.

Unrest continued into the following years, and in the years 1970 and 1971 alone, student activists participated in 214 demonstrations and 39 organized class boycotts.

Marcos eventually suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in 1971, and then finally placed the entire Philippine archipelago under Martial Law in September 1972.

The First Quarter Storm (1970) and pre-Martial Law student activism (1970–1972)

Background causes When he was first elected president of the Philippines in 1965 and throughout most of his first term in office, Ferdinand Marcos was relatively popular, both among the general public and among students. However, Marcos' ambition to be the first Philippine postwar president to be elected led to his use of extreme measures, including massive borrowing to fund government projects during the 1969 presidential campaign. Marcos spent $50 million worth in debt-funded infrastructure, triggering a balance of payments crisis. The Marcos administration ran to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for help, and the IMF offered a debt restructuring deal. New policies, including a greater emphasis on exports and the relaxation of controls of the peso, were put in place. The Peso was allowed to float to a lower market value, resulting in drastic inflation, and social unrest.

Marcos won the election, but just as the election results were being counted, the government was falling into debt, inflation was uncontrolled and the value of the peso continued to drop. The slight increase of the minimum wage was countered by continuous price increases and unemployment. The economic crisis eventually took its toll and triggered growing public unrest, with students at the forefront of protest efforts.

"Moderate" and "radical" opposition groups Students were at the forefront of several protest movements with varying political orientations, collectively becoming one of the most active elements in the political scene of the time. In the years 1970 and 1971 alone, student activists participated in 214 demonstrations and 39 class boycotts, and as reported in The Manila Times, issued 72 statements. They joined forces and established coalitions with reformists and radical factions of working classes and even participated in 76 demonstrations alongside farmers and workers.

The media reports of the time classified the various student groups opposing Marcos into two categories. The "Moderates", which included church groups, civil libertarians, and mainstream nationalists, were those who wanted to create change through political reforms. The "radicals", including a number of labor and student groups associated with the National Democracy movement, wanted broader, more systemic political reforms.

Calls for Reform Student groups calling for social reform, particularly the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), were the dominant force in the earliest student protests of the late 1960s.

Student demonstrators during the January 27, 1970 SONA protests, for example, made a manifesto for the constitutional convention, containing the following provisions: the non-partisan election of delegates to the national convention the non-partisan composition of poll inspectors and provincial board of canvassers public officials who will run as candidates should be made to resign or forfeit their seats upon filing of candidacy the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) must regulate the election propaganda and expense of the candidates the delegates to the convention must be made ineligible to run for any public office in the elections immediately after the convention the age requirement of delegates should be lowered from 25 to 21 years old.

"Moderate" or "Reformist" groups Student groups considered "moderate" at the time included: the NUSP, the National Students League (NSL), and the Young Christian Socialists Movement (CSM), a communitarian-socialist organization.

Calls for radical change The other broad category of student groups who participated in the first quarter storm were those who wanted broader, more systemic political reforms, usually as part of the National Democracy movement and the Communist Party of the Philippines. These groups were branded "radicals" by the media, although the Marcos administration also used that term to describe "moderate" protest groups, treating all the student groups as extremists regardless of their actual position.

Background: Formation of the Communist Party of the Philippines

During the time when the Marxist Leninist Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) was the dominant communist formation in the Philippines, its mostly dismissed students as "unneeded." There were small underground cells in some schools that played support roles to the more important and bigger Party cells in the factories and among the peasantry.Abinales, Patricio. "The Left and the Philippine Student Movement: Random Historical Notes on Party Politics and Sectoral Struggles." Kasarinlan 1, no. 2 (1985): 41 – 45.

The political value of students was recognized more by the Americans who realized that students were adept as publicity (propaganda) and pressure groups for government reforms and against the PKP-led Huk rebellion of the 1950s. The PKP only began recognizing their importance in the 1960s when self-taught Marxists spearheaded an anti-clerical and nationalist campaign at the University of the Philippines. Radicals who were brought into the Party's fold formed Kabataang Makabayan (KM) in 1964.

Shortly thereafter, however, this youth faction was expelled from the party. Led by Jose Maria Sison, they split from the PKP and formed the Communist Party of the Philippines along the lines of Marxist–Leninist–Mao Zedong Thought. This new party's most immediate concern was cadre recruitment and training; being a party composed of practically urban intellectuals and students who lacked revolutionary experience.

"Radical" groups Groups considered "radical" at the time included: the Kabataang Makabayan (KM), the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK), the Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP), the Movement for Democratic Philippines (MDP), the Student Power Assembly of the Philippines (SPAP), and the Malayang Pagkakaisa ng Kabataang Pilipino (MPKP).

Involvement of students in pre-Martial law protests

1970 SONA protest

The protest during Ferdinand Marcos' Fifth State of the Nation Address on January 26, 1970, was primarily organized by the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), and was meant to coincide with the first State of the Nation Address of Marcos' second term. In addition to "moderate" groups such as the NUSP, who wanted Marcos to promise he would not seek power beyond the two terms allowed him by the 1935 Philippine Constitution; the organizers also invited more "radical" groups such as the Kabataang Makabayan, who wanted more systemic political reforms.

The protest was largely peaceful until the end of the planned program, after which there was a disagreement between the moderate and the radical groups for control over the protest stage. This disagreement was ongoing when Marcos, having finished his speech, walked out the legislative building.Lacaba, Jose F. (February 7, 1970) The January 26 Confrontation: A Highly Personal Account. The Philippines Free Press. President Marcos was jeered by the already-agitated crowd, which started throwing pebbles, paper balls, and protest effigies at Marcos and his retinue. Marcos and his wife Imelda were eventually able to escape to the presidential limousine, leaving the Manila Police District (MPD) and elements of the Philippine Constabulary Metropolitan Command (METROCOM) to disperse the crowd. This led to hours of confrontation between the protesters and the police, ending with at least two students confirmed dead and several more students injured.

The Battle of Mendiola On January 30, 1970, some 10,000 students and laborers marched across Mendiola Bridge in an attempt to storm the Malacañang. Upon their arrival at the gates of the palace, they commandeered a fire truck and rammed it through the main gate. Despite their efforts to penetrate the palace, the Metropolitan Command (METROCOM) of the Philippine Constabulary repulsed them towards Mendiola Bridge. Primitivo Mijares, in The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, recounts that what followed was the so-called "Battle of Mendiola," which pitted young boys and girls armed with bamboo sticks and stones against Armalite-wielding 'shock troops' of Marcos from the Presidential Guard Battalion. "It was a massacre", he adds.

Ironically, this coincided with a meeting of reformist student protesters with President Marcos, which ended in Marcos losing his temper at student leader Edgar Jopson, who dared to ask Marcos for a written commitment not to stand for reelection or reappointment if ever a new constitution is ratified. Jopson's car, which he had parked outside near the Mendiola gate, was among the vehicles damaged during the violence of the Battle of Mendiola.

The Diliman Commune The Diliman Commune was a nine-day uprising at the University of the Philippines-Diliman from February 1 to February 9, 1971. It started out as a peaceful rally in which students voiced their support for the ongoing strike against the oil price hike and escalated into an uprising in which students, supported by the school administration, protested against military incursions into the university.Taguiwalo, Judy M. “Notes on the 1971 Diliman Commune.” Diliman Diary (blog). February 24, 2011. http://diliman-diary.blogspot.com/2011/02/notes-on-1971-diliman-commune.html

The 1971 Habeas Corpus suspension