Rape myths are prejudicial, stereotyped, and false beliefs about sexual assaults, rapists, and rape victims. They often serve to excuse sexual aggression, create hostility toward victims, and bias criminal prosecution.
Extensive research has been conducted about types, acceptance, and impact of rape myths. Rape myths significantly influence the perspectives of jurors, investigative agencies, judges, perpetrators, and victims. False views about rape lead to victim blaming, shaming, questioning of the victim's honesty, and other problems. Determination of the guilt of the accused, and sentencing for sexual crimes, are also influenced by these beliefs.
Development of the concept Rape myths originate from various cultural stereotypes, such as traditional gender roles, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and misunderstanding the nature of sexual assault. Matthew Hale, a British jurist in the 17th century, suggests that rape is "an accusation easily to be made and hard to be proved and harder to be defended against by the party accused, never so innocent". His historical thoughts invisibly support many rape myths seen today, and continue to be reproduced in rape trials.
Rape myths first became a topic of research during the 1970s, when a number of studies and books explored the concept. In 1974, for example, feminist writer Susan Brownmiller decried "male myths of rape" which "deliberately obscure the true nature of rape" in her book Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. The same year, criminologists Julia and Herman Schwendinger studied common misconceptions about rape, including the notion that rape was impossible—i.e., that any woman who really wanted to could prevent a rape—the idea victims of rape were "asking for it," and the idea that men rape because of "uncontrollable passions." They termed these misconceptions "sexist myths" which "influence the treatment of women victims." Both Brownmiller's work and the Schwendingers' study suggested that rape myths perpetuated male violence against women by placing blame on the victim, excusing the rapist, and minimizing or justifying the act of rape.
In 1980, Martha Burt published the first major study of rape myth acceptance. Burt defined rape myths as "prejudicial, stereotyped and false beliefs about rape, rape victims and rapists" which create "a climate hostile to rape victims." Burt's definition has been widely used.
In 1994, Kimberly A. Lonsway and Louise F. Fitzgerald defined rape myths as "attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women."Kimberly A. Lonsway, Louise F. Fitzgerald, "Rape Myths: In Review" Psychology of Women Quarterly 18 (2), June 1994: 133-164.
Some scholars, such as Gerd Bohner and Heike Gerger, have argued that descriptors such as "false" and "widely held" should not be included in a formal definition of what rape myths are since myths are often constructed in a way that are impossible to falsify, (as in the example, "many women secretly desire to be raped," where "secret" desire cannot be disproven) and the degree to which rape myths are "widely held" or accepted may vary over time. Bohner has offered an alternative definition of rape myths as "descriptive or prescriptive beliefs about rape (i.e., about its causes, context, consequences, perpetrators, victims and their interaction) that serve to deny, downplay or justify sexual violence against women."Gerd Bohner, Vergewaltigungsmythen (Rape Myths) Verlag Empirische Pädagogik, 1998.
While scholars disagree somewhat on how to precisely define the concept of rape myths, and rape myths can vary across different cultures and societies, there is a general consensus that there are four basic types of rape myths: those that blame the victim for their rape, those that express doubt or disbelief about victim's reports of a rape, those that exonerate the rapist, and those that suggest that only a certain type of victim gets raped.Grubb, Amy & Turner, Emily. (2012). "Attribution of blame in rape cases: A review of the impact of rape myth acceptance, gender role conformity and substance use on victim blaming" Aggression and Violent Behavior 17 (5) 443-452. "Rape myths vary among societies and cultures. However, they consistently follow a pattern whereby, they blame the victim for their rape, express a disbelief in claims of rape, exonerate the perpetrator and allude that only certain types of women are raped."
Lonsway, Fitzgerald and Diana L. Payne wrote in 1999 that the term "rape myth" does not imply that a given scenario never occurs, and "it is clear that any individual instance might conform to the characteristics described in cultural male mythology," since there is "undeniably some percentage of women" who have made false reports of rape, and there are "certain situational or personal characteristics that differentiate women who have been raped from those who have not." They argue, however, that rape myths are "generally false" in nature, and function to deny and justify the victimization of women.
Heteronormative discourses Heteronormativity and associated discourses undergird and perpetuate many rape myths. The construction of the male sexual subject and female passive object serves to de-legitimatize allegations of sexual assault that are contrary to heterosexual norms, such as where women are perpetrators and men are victims. Through the "male sexual drive discourse," it is thought that men are always ready and desiring sex, and women "activate their interest," which can invalidate experiences that do not conform to this discourse. Similarly, the "have/hold discourse" produces women as asexual, and heterosexual pleasure comes secondary to the ultimate goal of having a relationship and family.
Common rape myths Rape myths involving female victims Common rape myths involving female victims may include: That women commonly or routinely lie about rape."Common rape myths may include: women often lie about rape, a victim's clothing can precipitate a sexual assault, rape is the fault of the victim if she was intoxicated, and when a male pays for a date, the woman is expected to reciprocate with sexual intercourse.""Some rape myths include: that women fantasize about being raped; that women routinely lie about rape; that men cannot rape their intimate partners; that rape is simply unwanted sex and not a violent crime; and that victims are usually attacked by strangers."Rebecca M. Hayes1, Katherine Lorenz2, Kristin A. Bell, "Victim Blaming Others: Rape Myth Acceptance and the Just World Belief," Feminist Criminology 8 (3), April 2013: 202-220. "Common rape myths include: the misconception that the victim’s clothing precipitated the assault, that women often lie about rape, that rape is the victim’s fault if they were intoxicated at the time of the assault, and; when a male pays for a date, the woman is expected to reciprocate with sexual intercourse."Rape Myths include, but are not limited to, each of the following statements or beliefs: Rape is rare, Rape is not harmful, Most victims lie about rape, Some victims deserve to be raped, Women drive men to rape them by wearing provocative attire, Rape is a crime of passion, Rapists are mentally retarded/seriously mentally ill... Only certain kinds of women are raped, A man cannot 'rape' his wife, Some women secretly want to be raped." That what the victim is wearing can lead to a sexual assault, or that rape is the victim's fault if they wore revealing clothes.Moor, Avigail (2010). She Dresses to Attract, He Perceives Seduction: A Gender Gap in Attribution of Intent to Women’s Revealing Style of Dress and its Relation to Blaming the Victims of Sexual Violence. Journal of International Women's Studies, 11(4), 115-127. That victims bear responsibility for an assault if they were intoxicated when it happened.Hayes, R. M., Lorenz, K., & Bell, K. A. (2013). Victim blaming others: Rape myth acceptance and the just world belief. Feminist Criminology, 1557085113484788. That most rapes are committed by strangers.Ben-David, S. & Schneider, O. Sex Roles (2005) 53: 385. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-005-6761-4 (In reality, most rapes are committed by friends, family, or other individuals known to the victim.) That only young women deemed sexually attractive can be raped. That when a man pays for a dinner or date, a woman is expected to reciprocate with intercourse. That women who are raped often deserve it – particularly if they entered a man's home or got in his car, or that such actions indicate consent to sex. That it is not rape unless the victim fights/physically resists, or that it is not rape unless the victim is physically coerced or injured. (In reality, many rapes do not involve physical coercion, as in cases where the victim is impaired/unconscious, or where an unequal power relationship forces the victim to submit.) That a woman should be able to avoid rape by "fighting off" the rapist, and that she has the responsibility to do so. That some women secretly want to be raped. That the victim enjoyed being raped if they had experienced orgasm or became aroused. That it is impossible to rape one's wife or intimate partner. That rape is simply unwanted sex, not a violent crime. That women "ask for" rape – for example, by flirting, dressing provocatively, consuming alcohol or behaving promiscuously – or that only certain "kinds of" women (i.e., "bad girls") are raped. That women often say no when they really mean yes, as a way of leading men on. That men are unable to control themselves once they become sexually excited, that women are responsible for rape if they allow things to go too far, or that consent to kissing, petting, etc. constitutes consent to intercourse. That women commonly falsely allege rape out of spite, to overcome guilt after a sexual encounter they regret, to cover up an unwanted pregnancy, or for attention. That most rapists are psychotic or mentally ill. That consent to one sexual encounter constitutes consent to another (i.e., that it cannot be rape if the victim and rapist have previously had consensual sex). That "real" victims report rape immediately. (In reality, victims often do not report rapes immediately due to societal pressure, possible backlash, and trauma such as rape-related post traumatic stress disorder, also known as rape trauma syndrome. Victims of rape may also feel feelings of guilt and shame which deter them from reporting the crime, or doing so promptly.)
Rape myths involving male victims Although it has been estimated that as many as one in three victims of rape in conflict are men, there has been less research on perceptions of rape myths of male victims. The following have been identified:
That "a man cannot be raped by a woman". That "men or boys who are raped or sexually assaulted by women are lucky". That "rape of men happens mainly in prison". That "being raped by a male attacker is synonymous with the loss of masculinity". That "if a man becomes aroused or ejaculated while being raped, they must have liked it". That "men who are sexually assaulted by men must be homosexual". That "men are incapable of functioning sexually unless they are sexually aroused". That "men cannot be forced to have sex against their will". That "men are less affected by sexual assault than women". That "men are in a constant state of readiness to accept any sexual opportunity". That "a man is expected to be able to defend himself against sexual assault". That "men experience little trauma when raped by a woman". They may also include the following beliefs:
"Denial": That male rape does not exist. "Blame": That male rape is the victim's fault. "Trauma": That men are less traumatized by the rape.