The History of trade unions in the United Kingdom covers British trade union organisation, activity, ideas, politics, and impact, from the early 19th century to the recent past. For current status see Trade unions in the United Kingdom.
18th–19th centuries
Unions in Britain were subject to often severe repression until 1824, but were already widespread in cities such as London. Trade unions were legalised in 1824, when growing numbers of factory workers joined these associations in their efforts to achieve better wages and working conditions. Workplace militancy had also manifested itself as Luddism and had been prominent in struggles such as the 1820 Rising in Scotland, in which 60,000 workers went on a general strike, which was soon crushed. From 1830 on, attempts were made to set up national general unions, most notably Robert Owen's Grand National Consolidated Trades Union in 1834, which attracted a range of socialist from Owenites to revolutionaries. That organisation played a part in the protests after the Tolpuddle Martyrs' case, but soon collapsed.
An important development of the trade union movement in Wales was the Merthyr Rising in May 1831 where coal and steel workers employed by the powerful Crawshay family took to the streets of Merthyr Tydfil, calling for reform, protesting against the lowering of their wages and general unemployment. Gradually the protest spread to nearby industrial towns and villages and by the end of May the whole area was in rebellion, and for the first time in the world the red flag of revolution was flown – which has since been adopted internationally by the trades union movement and socialist groups generally.
Chartism
In the later 1830s and 1840s, trade unionism was overshadowed by political activity. Of particular importance was Chartism, the aims of which were supported by most socialists, although none appear to have played leading roles. Chartism was a working-class movement for political reform in Britain which emerged in 1836 and was most active between 1838 and 1848. It took its name from the People's Charter of 1838 and was a national protest movement, with particular strongholds of support in Northern England, the East Midlands, the Staffordshire Potteries, the Black Country, and the South Wales Valleys. Support for the movement was at its highest in 1839, 1842, and 1848, when petitions signed by millions of working people were presented to Parliament. The petitions were rejected each time.
The strategy employed was to use the scale of support which these petitions and the accompanying mass meetings demonstrated to put pressure on politicians to concede manhood suffrage. Chartism thus relied on constitutional methods to secure its aims, though there were some who became involved in insurrectionary activities, notably in the Newport Rising in November 1839. The government did not yield to any of the demands, and suffrage had to wait another two decades. Chartism was popular among some trade unions, especially London's tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, and masons. One reason was the fear of the influx of unskilled labour, especially in tailoring and shoe making. In Manchester and Glasgow, engineers were deeply involved in Chartist activities. Many trade unions were active in the general strike of 1842, which spread to 15 counties in England and Wales, and eight in Scotland. Chartism taught techniques and political skills that inspired trade union leadership.Malcolm Chase, Chartism: A New History (Manchester University Press, 2007)Keith Laybourn, A History of British Trade Unionism c.1770–1990 (1992) pp 33–34.
New establishments Union activity from the 1850s to the 1950s in textiles and engineering was largely in the hands of the skilled workers. They supported differentials in pay and status as opposed to the unskilled. They focused on control over machine production and were aided by competition among firms in the local labour market.Roger Penn, Roger. "Trade union organization and skill in the cotton and engineering industries in Britain, 1850–1960." Social History 8#1 (1983): 37–55.
After the Chartist movement of 1848 fragmented, efforts were made to form a labour coalition. The Miners' and Seamen's United Association in the North-East, operated 1851–1854 before it too collapsed because of outside hostility and internal disputes over goals. The leaders sought working-class solidarity as a long-term aim, thus anticipating the affiliative strategies promoted by the Labour Parliament of 1854.John Flanagan, "'A gigantic scheme of co-operation': The Miners' and Seamen's United Association in the North-East, 1851–1854." Labour History Review 74#2 (2009): 143–159.
More permanent trade unions were established from the 1850s, better resourced but often less radical. The London Trades Council was founded in 1860, and the Sheffield Outrages spurred the establishment of the Trades Union Congress in 1868, with the first meeting taking place at the Mechanics' Institute, Manchester. The legal status of trade unions in the United Kingdom was established by a Royal Commission on Trade Unions in 1867, which agreed that the establishment of the organisations was to the advantage of both employers and employees. Unions were legalised in 1871 with the adoption of the Trade Union Act 1871.
New Unionism: 1889–93 The "aristocracy of labour" comprise the skilled workers who were proud and jealous of their monopolies, and set up labour unions to keep out the unskilled and semiskilled. The strongest unions of the mid-Victorian period were unions of skilled workers such as the Amalgamated Society of Engineers. Trade unionism was quite uncommon amongst semi-skilled and unskilled workers.John Field, "British historians and the concept of the labour aristocracy." Radical History Review 1978.19 (1978): 61–85. The union officials avoided militancy, fearing that strikes would threaten the finances of unions and thereby their salaries. An unexpected strike wave broke out in 1889–90, largely instigated by the rank and file. Its success can be explained by the dwindling supply of rural labour, which in turn increased the bargaining power of unskilled workers. The New Unionism starting in 1889 was a systematic outreach to bring in as union members the striking unskilled and semiskilled workers. Ben Tillett was a prominent leader of the London Dock strike of 1889. He formed the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers' Union in 1889, which had support from skilled workers. Its 30,000 members won an advance in wages and working conditions.Derek Matthews, "1889 and All That: New Views on the New Unionism." International Review of Social History 36#1 (1991): 24–58Keith Laybourn, A History of British Trade Unionism (1992) pp 72–76A. E. P. Duffy, "New Unionism in Britain, 1889–1890: A Reappraisal," Economic History Review (1961) 14#2 pp 306–319
Unions played a prominent role in the creation of the Labour Representation Committee which effectively formed the basis for today's Labour Party.
Women Women were largely excluded from trade union formation, membership, and hierarchies until the late 19th century. When women did attempt to challenge male hegemony and make inroads into the representation of labour and combination, it was largely due to the tenacity of middle-class reformers such as the Women's Protective and Provident League (WPPL) which sought to amiably discuss conditions with employers in the 1870s. It became the Women's Trade Union League.Robin Miller Jacoby, "Feminism and Class Consciousness in the British and American Women's Trade Union Leagues, 1890–1925." in Liberating Women's History ed. Berenice Carroll (University of Illinois Press, 1976) pp: 137–60. Militant Socialists broke away from the WPPL and formed the Women's Trade Union Association, but they had little impact. There were a few cases in the 19th century where women trade union members took initiative. In the 1875 West Yorkshire weavers' strike, women did play a central role,Melanie Reynolds, "'A Man Who Won't Back a Woman is No Man at All'. The 1875 Heavy Woollen Dispute and the Narrative of Women's Trade Unionism." Labour History Review 71#2 (2006): 187–198. and the 1888 London matchgirls strike (and subsequent formation of the Union of Women Matchmakers) was influential for the 1889 London Dock strike and the development of the New Unionism.Louise Raw, "'Recognition at last! Matchwomen to be honoured with a blue plaque', Morning Star February 2022 https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/recognition-last-matchwomen-be-honoured-blue-plaque
Emerging Labour Party
The Labour Party's origins lie in the late 19th century, when it became apparent that there was a need for a new political party to represent the interests and needs of the urban proletariat, a demographic which had increased in number and had recently been enfranchised.See, for instance, the 1899 Lyons vs. Wilkins judgement, which limited certain types of picketing Some members of the trades union movement became interested in moving into the political field, and after further extensions of the voting franchise in 1867 and 1885, the Liberal Party endorsed some trade-union sponsored candidates. The first Lib–Lab candidate to stand was George Odger in the Southwark by-election of 1870. In addition, several small socialist groups had formed around this time, with the intention of linking the movement to political policies. Among these were the Independent Labour Party, the intellectual and largely middle-class Fabian Society, the Marxist Social Democratic FederationMartin Crick, The History of the Social-Democratic Federation and the Scottish Labour Party.
Since 1900
1900–1945 Politics became a central issue for the coal miners, whose organisation was facilitated by their location in remote one-industry villages. The Miners' Federation of Great Britain formed in 1888, and counted 600,000 members in 1908. Much of the 'old left' of Labour politics can trace its origins to coal-mining areas.Vic Allen, The militancy of British miners (1981).
Upheavals: 1910–1914
The working classes were beginning to protest politically for a greater voice in government, especially after 1908, reaching a crescendo known as the Great Unrest in 1910-1914. The extreme agitation included the 1910-1911 Tonypandy riots; the 1911 Liverpool general transport strike; the National coal strike of 1912; and the 1913 Dublin lockout. It was modern Britain's worst labour unrest and compares with the 1926 general strike. The period of unrest was labelled "great" not because of its scale, but due to the level of violence employed by both the state and labourers; including deaths of strikers at the hands of police and sabotage on the part of the workers.Yann Béliard, "Introduction: Revisiting the Great Labour Unrest, 1911-1914". Labour History Review (2014) 79#1: 1–17. online