The Democratic Nationalist Party or Nationalist Democratic Party (, PND) was a political party in Romania, established by historian Nicolae Iorga (who was also its longest-serving leader) and jurist A. C. Cuza. Its support base was in the lower reaches of the Romanian middle class, and, especially through Cuza's ideology, it reflected the xenophobia, economic antisemitism, and producerism of that particular environment. The PND was a weak challenge to the mainstream political forces, either conservative or liberal, failing in its bid to become Romania's third-strongest party. By 1916, it was effectively split between Iorga's moderates and Cuza's radicals, suspending its activity for the remainder of World War I.
The PND reemerged as a significant force in Greater Romania, after November 1918. It frequently changed names and refined its official stance, becoming closely aligned with Iorga's evolving ideas on society and politics. During the early 1920s, it trailed to the left of the political spectrum, caucusing with the Peasants' Party, and supporting a "Democratic Bloc" coalition against the National Liberals; its far-right faction seceded and became the National-Christian Defense League. Around 1925, the PND itself returned to national conservatism, briefly merging with the Romanian National Party, but resuming independence in 1926, when the latter merged into the National Peasants' Party. It reemerged with an agenda supporting technocracy and corporatism, and was brought to power in 1931, when King Carol II appointed Iorga as Prime Minister.
The PND and its allies attempted to tackle the Great Depression in Romania with controversial measures such as debt relief, and the government was voted out of office in the 1932 elections. Iorga's version of middle-class nationalism faded into political insignificance with the advent of fascist movements, in particular the Iron Guard; his own growing support for authoritarianism led him to dissolve the PND in 1938, when he and other cadres joined Carol's National Renaissance Front. He participated in the clampdown against the Iron Guard, which led to his killing in 1940.
The PND was revived clandestinely during World War II, with Petre Topa at its helm. In this final part of its existence, it joined up with liberal and socialist forces in opposing the Ion Antonescu dictatorship. It supported the coup of August 1944, and afterward enjoyed a brief existence as a legal party, before merging into the National Liberal Party–Tătărescu. From ca. 1950, Topa and various former PND affiliates were imprisoned by the Romanian communist regime, while others were recovered and enjoyed high favor.
History Origins Iorga and Cuza traced their collaboration to 1895, when they were among the founders of a short-lived Universal Antisemitic Alliance.Heinen, p. 84; Volovici, p. 32 The PND's existence was formalized on (Saint George's Day)Bozdoghină (2003), p. 69; Heinen, pp. 85, 470; Mamina, pp. 2099, 2115 as a union of two groups respectively led by Iorga and Cuza. Iorga had previously entered and left the mainline Conservative Party (PC). Putting out the nationalist review Neamul Românesc, he had also created a string of cultural-political societies, including the Brotherhood of Loyal Romanians, which had brought him into direct contact with Cuza; both men ran for Parliament seats as the "nationalist-democratic candidates" in 1907 (only Iorga was elected).Bozdoghină (2003), pp. 68–69 By 1909, Cuza had also joined Iorga's lecturing team at Vălenii de Munte, where he outlined his producerist worldview: "Romania seems to have turned into a sewage canal [...] for all sorts of ethnic filth, and the Romanian cannot sustain himself, by honest labor, in his own country—so he perishes."Butaru, pp. 93–94
In its original form, the PND was united around the ideals of economic antisemitism, postulating that Romanian Jews were a parasitical or exploitative stratum of society.Clark (2015), pp. 28–29, 37; Veiga, pp. 55, 69, 130; Volovici, pp. 17–18, 22–24, 30–33, 174, 181–182 Its earliest recorded symbol was the right-facing swastika (卐), or "Aryan cross", which Cuza used as a symbol of his antisemitic struggle.Radu (2002), p. 583 Beyond that, the party's roots were in the more radical forms of generically ethnic nationalism: four years before the PND's foundation, Iorga had sparked a riot against the National Theatre, picked out for staging French plays, untranslated.Boia (2010), pp. 353–354; Heinen, pp. 84–85; Stanomir, pp. 114–115; Veiga, pp. 165, 180
Structurally, the PND contested the third-party position, behind the PC and the dominant National Liberal Party (PNL). It was the first lower-middle-class organization in Romanian politics, its antisemitism and traditionalism being also manifestations of anti-capitalist anxieties.Heinen, pp. 75–81, 85–86; Stanomir, pp. 8–9; Veiga, p. 69 Its democratic demands included proposals to reform the 1866 Constitution by introducing "universal suffrage for the Romanians, with the representation of minorities".Mamina, pp. 2115, 2117
Continuing Iorga's propaganda work, the party also endorsed the nationalism of Romanian communities in Bukovina and Transylvania (held by Austria-Hungary), and in Bessarabia (incorporated into the Russian Empire). Through PND and the Cultural League for the Unity of All Romanians, Iorga maintained alive the cause of irredentism and "Greater Romania".Bucur, p. 21 A final major rally point for the PND, was the agrarian platform, on which the PND clashed with the mainstream Conservatives. Explicitly set out against the "old parties", Iorga's group pushed for land reform through purchase, in effect "granting the peasants that large part of the land that is currently occupied by a fictitious great landed property".Mamina, pp. 2117–2118 Iorga's stance on national and agrarian issue had made him a target for surveillance by the Siguranța secret police, which kept records of his movements. Radu Petrescu, "Enigma Ilie Cătărău (I)" , in Contrafort, Nr. 5-6/2012
Early history The party was nominally led by its two founders as co-presidents; in practice, Cuza had a supporting role, with Iorga supervising all aspects, including recruitment.Bozdoghină (2003), p. 69 Overall, however, Iorga was largely uninterested in creating himself a centralized and coherent party, preferring to focus on cultural politics. The PND was always strongest in Western Moldavia and Oltenia, with some additional fiefs in Brăila and Ploiești.Heinen, p. 86 In Bucharest, the cadres included aristocrat Vasile Kogălniceanu,Clark (2012), pp. 86–87; Heinen, p. 86 actor Petre Liciu, and Orthodox chaplain Gheorghe Cotenescu. They were joined by Leon Cosmovici, the biologist and social worker. The Moldavian wing included veterans of far-right antisemitism such as Ion Zelea Codreanu and Corneliu Șumuleanu,Bozdoghină (2003), pp. 70–72; Clark (2015), p. 37; Heinen, pp. 86, 95, 118; Veiga, pp. 55, 107, 120, 167, 177, 293 alongside writer Ion Ciocârlan.Cor., "Scrisoare din București. Congresul partidului naționalist-democrat", in Românul (Arad), Nr. 93/1912, pp. 3–4 At a regional level, the party had in its ranks young radical-right militants such as Gheorghe ClimeClark (2015), p. 104 and Nichifor Robu.Radu Florian Bruja, "Nichifor Robu – trepte către monografia unui politician antisemit", in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie George Barițiu din Cluj-Napoca. Supliment, Vol. LII, 2013, p. 236 Also joining the PND were two Bessarabians: Dumitru C. Moruzi, the novelist,Nicolae Scurtu, "Câteva precizări la biografia lui Dumitru C. Moruzi", in Litere, Nr. 5/2011, pp. 73–75 and Ilie Cătărău, the bullfighter and double agent (for the Siguranța and the Russian Okhrana).
After inconclusive negotiations for an alliance with the PC,"Cronici bucureștene", in Unirea, Nr. 6/1911, p. 70 the PND contested the elections of 1911 alone. Its main adversary was another candidate for the third-force role in politics, the Conservative-Democratic Party (PCD). The Bucharest list was headed by Iorga, while Kogălniceanu ran against them, as an independent; Liciu also ran, either as a PND affiliate or as an independent.Bacalbașa, p. 15 In the wake of the elections, PND men complained that they had been harassed by the PCD, and that they could not hope to compete with it in the propaganda war. However, the PND itself also took up violence during the events, when Cătărău intervened to support Codreanu, who was running for a seat in Fălticeni."Atentatul dela Dobrițin. 4 Martie", in Românul (Arad), Nr. 41/1914, p. 4 The party took some 15% of the popular vote in those precincts where it put up candidates, but failed to win any seats.Coresp. "Scrisori din București", in Tribuna Poporului, February 27, 1911, pp. 3–4 In the recall vote of 1912, Cuza and Iorga were elected together,Volovici, pp. 22–23, 32 although Cuza lost the fief of Iași; Iorga lost at Covurlui, but won in Prahova.Bacalbașa, p. 112 They were to remain for long the party's only two parliamentarians, and represented the more marginal Second Colleges, comprising the urban underclass.
By then, the PND was holding annual congresses on Saint George's Day, with peasant participation. During the one of 1912, with Cuza absent due to illness, Iorga announced that he no longer pursued the Bucharest proletarian vote, and that the party would only focus on campaigning among the intellectuals, merchants, artisans and the peasantry. Its propaganda program, carried out in conjunction with the Cultural League, included setting up public libraries. The event also market the official launch of Cuza's newspaper, Unirea, and included a memorial service for the recently deceased Liciu. The congress of 1913 showed the growing rift between Cuza and Iorga: the former supported quick intervention in what became the Second Balkan War, whereas Iorga opposed it (he was backed by various party activists, who found Cuza to be coarse and violent). The pro-war interventionist stance was also taken up by Kogălniceanu, who built on PND irredentism to propose Romania's expansion into "natural borders".Clark (2012), pp. 86–87 Also around that time, at the University of Iași, Cuza's PND cell clashed with left-wing activists (Social Democrats and Poporanists) over control of the "Student Center".Constantinescu-Iași, p. 12
Ideological differences inside the PND were again on display during early 1914, when the PNL's Ion I. C. Brătianu made public his own project for land and electoral reform. While Iorga approved of their moderation, Cuza and Codreanu campaigned for more radical policies.Bozdoghină (2003), p. 70 Inner-party tensions flared up in the first two years of World War I, during which Romania, under a PNL government, was cautiously neutral. Following his irredentism, Iorga involved himself in the camp which supported the Entente Powers, but did so rather cautiously, placing his faith in the Brătianu administration.Boia (2010), pp. 106–107, 112–116, 122, 305; Bozdoghină (2003), pp. 70–71 The party split over the issue: Cuza pushed for immediate intervention against the Central Powers, declaring that neutralism was "absurd".Bozdoghină (2003), pp. 70–71 At a grassroots level, Cătărău, who was probably responding to Okhrana commands, involved himself in acts of terror in Bukovina and Transylvania, trying to push Austria-Hungary into declaring war. During the international scandal which followed, he fled Romania in mysterious circumstances.
1916 suspension and 1918 revival