Hong Kong protests against mainlandisation refer to set of political and social movements prevalent in the 2010s in Hong Kong. Driven by fears of cultural erosion, political changes, and the slow pace of democratisation, the protests culminated in the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests, which ended following the enactment of the Hong Kong national security law.
Background Political history of Hong Kong
Hong Kong was originally ruled by Qing dynasty. During the First Opium War, Hong Kong was occupied by the British Army. The Qing government ceded the island to the British Empire in 1842, when the Treaty of Nanking was signed. In 1860, after the Second Opium War, the colonial territory was expanded to include the Kowloon Peninsula. In 1898, the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory was signed to lease the New Territories. From 1941 to 1945, it was occupied by the Japanese Empire.
After the proclamation of the People's Republic of China which established the People's Republic of China (PRC) on the Chinese mainland in 1949, Hong Kong remained a British colony. The colony maintained different political systems, greater press freedoms, and a culture influenced by its colonial history. In 1972, after the change of the Chinese seat in the United Nations, the PRC joined the United Nations and gained political influence. In 1984, the Chinese and the UK governments signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration. This laid out the terms for the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the PRC. The transfer concluded with a special handover ceremony on 1 July 1997.
After this transfer, Hong Kong became a Special Administrative Region of China, which was not subject to the same laws or restrictions of the rest of the country. The Basic Law of Hong Kong, a national law of China that serves as the organic law for the region, was composed to implement Annex I of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration.Lim, C.L.; Chan, Johannes (2015). "Autonomy and Central-Local Relations". In Chan, Johannes; Lim, C.L. (eds.). Law of the Hong Kong Constitution (2nd ed.). Sweet & Maxwell. p. 55. ISBN 978-9-626-61673-4.Ng Ka Ling v Director of Immigration, FACV 14/1998 (29 January 1999), at para. 63; judgment text also available from HKLIILo, Stefan H. C.; Cheng, Kevin Kwok-yin; Chui, Wing Hong (2020). "Sources of Law". The Hong Kong Legal System (2nd ed.). Hong Kong: Cambridge University Press. pp. 90–136. doi:10.1017/9781108634687. ISBN 9781108721820. Its guarantees aimed to maintain Hong Kong's economic, political, and legal models after the transfer, and develop its political system with a goal of democratic government.
Rise of Localism
After 1997, Hong Kong experienced problems integrating with the Chinese mainland over economic, cultural, and political issues.Charles, Custer "China vs. Hong Kong" . "About News". Retrieved 30 October 2014 On the economic side, the Hong Kong government pushed for several controversial policies, such as the Individual Visit Scheme, an integration plan with the Pearl River Delta, and the construction of high-speed rail.
Both the Hong Kong government and Chinese government pushed for continuing integration of the two territories, through principles such as one country, two systems."Chinese government reminds Hong Kong 'who's the real boss' with white paper spelling out its interpretation of the region's 'one country, two systems' model ", The Independent 12 June 2014 In contrast, local groups defined Hong Kong as an independent city-state. These points of discontent led to the economic and cultural protectionism movements in Hong Kong. Localism is the opposition to integrating Hong Kong with the Chinese mainland.
Before the handover of Hong Kong, the Hong Kong intellectuals suggested providing resources to mainland China for modernization and promotion of freedom and progressive values. However, due to the rise of Chinese economic and political power, Hong Kong transitioned its approach to providing education, culture, and civic resources to China.
Localism rejected these efforts, calling to reserving resources for Hong Kong's issues and interests. The democratic reform in the 2010s was also met with obstructions. Although the Hong Kong government attempted to move the electoral system towards universal suffrage, the pro-democracy camp of the Legislative Council rejected incremental progress. Localist Democracy advocates adopted an aggressive all-or-nothing strategy that directly confronted the central government and derailed any hope of moderate political reforms in Hong Kong."What will Hong Kong's political reform vote mean? ", The Guardian 16 June 2015
Cultural and ethnic tensions
Hong Kong is a society under British influence that has different values, languages, cultures, and economic circumstances than mainland China. These differences, as well as issues regarding the allocation of resources between Hong Kong and the mainland, were widely considered to be the primary cause of conflict.Yang, Joey "Why living in Hong Kong as mainland Chinese is no piece of cake" . South China Morning Post. 21 May 2013. Retrieved 25 October 2014沈帥青 "搶完床位爭學位 怎令港媽息怒？" . HK Economic Times. 7 October 2013. Retrieved 27 October 2014
According to the research conducted by Hong Kong Baptist University, a portion of the populace considered discrimination toward mainland Chinese morally justified due to localism sentiment, language differences,Li, Amy "Is using simplified Chinese a sin? Hong Kong actor triggers war of words" . South China Morning Post. 20 July 2013. Retrieved 27 October 2014 cultural differences, and nostalgia toward British rule.
Mainland Chinese people were called derogatory slurs, such as Cheena, the Cantonese pronunciation of Shina, and wong chung, meaning locust in Cantonese. The usage of the word began in Hong Kong local blogs and message boards such as HKGolden. Its usage became prominent in 2012, when local residents paid for full-page advertisements, depicting mainland Chinese as locusts, on the local tabloid-newspaper Apple Daily HK.
On Hong Kong university campuses, mainland Chinese students are often referred to as "Cheena dogs" and "yellow thugs" by local students.
In 2013, the death of a female mainlander led to celebration and anti-mainland comments from localist online trolls on platforms such as Facebook, HKGolden, and Apple Daily, causing severe damage to mainland China-Hong Kong civic relations. In a 2015 study, mainland Chinese students in Hong Kong who initially had a more positive view of the city than of their own mainland hometowns reported that their attempts at connecting with the locals were difficult due to experiences of hostility. Due to the rising tribalism and nationalism in Hong Kong and mainland China, the xenophobia between Hongkongers and mainlanders is reinforced and reciprocated.
Incidents
Dolce & Gabbana controversy
On 5 January 2012, Apple Daily reported that only Hong Kong citizens had been prevented from taking pictures of Dolce & Gabbana window displays at both of their Hong Kong fashion outlets, stirring anti-mainlander sentiment. Staff and security personnel at the flagship store on Canton Road said the pavement area outside the store was private property, and photography was forbidden.
This sparked protests spanning several days, and gained international news coverage on 8 January. Citing the case of Zhou Jiugeng (周久耕), a Nanjing official whose high-living lifestyle was identified by Chinese citizens using internet photographs, local news reports speculated that the Dolce & Gabbana photo ban may have been imposed at the request of some wealthy Chinese government officials. These officials may have feared photographs of them in the stores would circulate and fuel corruption allegations, as well as investigations into the source of their wealth.
Kong Qingdong calling Hong Kongers "old dogs"
In early 2012, Kong Qingdong, a Peking University professor, publicly called Hong Kongers "old dogs" in the aftermath of a controversy over a mainland Chinese child eating on the subway in Hong Kong. Kong's strong language prompted protests in Hong Kong.
Parallel business in Hong Kong
Since 2012, there has been an increase in mainland parallel traders. These traders come to the northern parts of Hong Kong to import goods, then export them back to mainland China. Popular products include infant formula and household products.Jennifer, Ngo "Milk powder supplies still not meeting needs" . South China Morning Post. 24 January 2014. Retrieved 29 October 2014
As a result of extended shortages of milk powder in Hong Kong, the government imposed restrictions on the amount of milk powder exports from Hong Kong. Beginning on 1 March 2013, each person is only allowed 2 cans, or 1.8 kg of milk powder, per trip in the MTR and cross-borders. Since northern places like Sheung Shui became the transaction centres of the traders, nearby residents were discontented."近百名人到上水示威不滿內地水貨客" . now.com. 15 September 2012. Retrieved 29 October 2014.
Anchor babies in Hong Kong
Until 2012, the number of anchor babies in Hong Kong was increasing."The Fertility Trend in Hong Kong, 1981 to 2012" . "Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department". December 2013. Retrieved 29 October 2014 Pregnant mainland women were seeking to give birth in Hong Kong. They aimed to benefit from the right of abode, and by extension social welfare in the city. Hong Kong citizens expressed concerns that the pregnant women and anchor babies put a heavier burden on Hong Kong's medical system. Some of them even called mainlanders "locusts" for taking away Hong Kong's resources from locals."800人捐款 五日籌十萬高登下周登報促截「雙非」" . Apple Daily. 27 January 2012. Retrieved 29 October 2014
Over 170,000 new births where both parents were mainlanders occurred between 2001 and 2011,自由黨倡停發雙非嬰居港權 of which 32,653 births were in 2010. CY Leung's first public announcement on policy as Chief Executive-elect was to impose a 'zero' quota on mainland mothers giving birth in Hong Kong. Leung further underlined that those who did may not be able to secure the right of abode for their offspring in Hong Kong.Luk, Eddie (17 April 2012). "Door shuts on moms" . The Standard. Many of these anchor babies cross the border to attend school; there are approximately 28,000 daily cross-border pupils who attend school in Hong Kong but live in mainland China.
Racial abuse of Hong Kong football team
In 2015, the Chinese Football Association launched a series of posters relating to other Asian football teams. Among these, a poster appeared to mock the ethnic make-up of Hong Kong's football team with the words: “Do not underestimate the opponent. This is a team with black-, yellow- and white-skinned players, a diverse team that we must prepare for.”"Red card for racism waved at the mainland by HK" The Standard 10 June 2015 In response, in subsequent matches between Hong Kong, Bhutan, and the Maldives respectively, supporters of the Hong Kong team jeered when the Chinese national anthem was played for the Hong Kong team."Hong Kong Soccer Fans Boo Chinese National Anthem" The New York Times 12 June 2015"Hong Kong football fans ignore pleas not to boo China national anthem ahead of win over Maldives" South China Morning Post 17 June 2015
In April 2017, during a match in Hong Kong between Hong Kong club Eastern SC and Chinese club Guangzhou Evergrande, Evergrande fans displayed an "Annihilate British Dogs, Eradicate Hong Kong Independence Poison" banner during the game. This resulted in them being fined US$22,500.
Siu Yau-wai case