The History of the Quebec sovereignty movement covers various movements which sought to achieve political independence for Quebec, which has been a province of Canada since 1867. Quebec nationalism emerged in politics . The terms sovereignty and sovereignism were introduced by the modern Quebec sovereignty movement which began during the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Pro-sovereignty political parties have represented Quebec at the provincial and federal level, and have held two referendums on sovereignty (in 1980 and 1995) which were both defeated. Additionally, two accords to amend the Canadian Constitution on issues of concern to Quebecers were also defeated.
Origins
Following the British conquest of New France, Quebec nationalism emerged in politics as a result of the Canadien movement (1760–1800). The Patriote movement (1800–1838) began with the founding of the Parti Canadien to counter the Château Clique's agenda of assimilation. The movement culminated in the Declaration of Independence of Lower Canada and the Lower Canada Rebellion ( ). The secession never materialized, as the self-proclaimed Republic of Lower Canada was quickly re-absorbed into British Canada.
Sovereigntism and sovereignty are terms that refer to the modern movement in favour of the political independence of Quebec, which can be traced to the Alliance Laurentienne of 1957, the writings of Roman Catholic priest and historian Lionel Groulx in the 1920s, the Francoeur Motion of 1917, and premier of Quebec Honoré Mercier's raising the idea of self-determination in the 1890s. The Quiet Revolution of Quebec brought widespread change in the 1960s. Among other changes, support for Quebec independence began to form and grow.
The first organization dedicated to the independence of Quebec was the Alliance Laurentienne, founded by Raymond Barbeau on January 25, 1957. On September 10, 1960, the Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale (RIN) was founded. On August 9 of that year, Raoul Roy founded the Action socialiste pour l'indépendance du Québec (ASIQ). In October and November 1962, RIN members formed the Comité de libération nationale and the Réseau de résistance to organize non-violent but illegal actions, such as vandalism and civil disobedience.
Shortly after the November 1962 Quebec general election, RIN member Marcel Chaput founded the short-lived Parti républicain du Québec. In 1964, the RIN became a provincial political party. In 1965, the more conservative Ralliement national (RN) also became a party. In October 1967, when the Parti libéral du Québec refused to discuss sovereignty at a party convention, cabinet minister René Lévesque left the party to form the Mouvement souveraineté-association (MSA). He set about to unite pro-sovereignty forces, and at a congress in October 1968 the RN and MSA agreed to merge to form the Parti Québécois (PQ). Later that month, RIN leader Pierre Bourgault dissolved his party and invited its members to join the PQ.
During the 1960s, many former European colonies, such as Cameroon, Congo, Senegal, Algeria, and Jamaica, were becoming independent. Some advocates of Quebec independence saw Quebec's situation in a similar light. Numerous activists were influenced by the writings of Frantz Fanon, Albert Memmi, Aimé Césaire, Léopold Sédar Senghor and Karl Marx. In June 1967, during a state visit for the Canadian Centennial, French president Charles de Gaulle made a speech from the balcony of Montreal City Hall in which he declared The phrase was a slogan of Quebec sovereignty, and its delivery by de Gaulle deeply offended the Canadian federal government, which derided him. De Gaulle cut short his visit and left the country.
In February 1963, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) was founded by Georges Schoeters, Raymond Villeneuve and Gabriel Hudon, three RIN members who had met as part of the Réseau de résistance. They were inspired by the political ideas of the ASIQ's "independence + socialism" project, and felt the RIN was not extreme enough, making the decision to use violence in order to achieve independence. Between 1963 and 1970, the FLQ conducted over 160 violent incidents resulting in 8 deaths, and were considered a terrorist group by the Canadian government. While the FLQ had gradually gained support over the decade, the October Crisis of 1970, in which a Quebec cabinet minister and a British diplomat were kidnapped, galvanized support against violence while increasing support for political means of attaining independence.
Early years of the PQ Economist Jacques Parizeau and politician Jérôme Proulx joined the PQ in 1969. Proulx had been elected to the assembly with the Union Nationale party but switched parties in protest of controversial language law Bill 63.
In the 1970 provincial election, the PQ elected its first seven members of the National Assembly of Quebec. René Lévesque was defeated in the Laurier riding by Liberal André Marchand. In the 1973 election the PQ was reduced to six seats, though its share of the popular vote had significantly increased.
In the 1976 election, the PQ won 71 seats and formed a majority government, shocking Quebecers and other Canadians. With one of the highest voting turnouts in the province's history, 41.4 per cent of the electorate voted for the PQ.
On August 26, 1977, the PQ passed two important laws: one prohibited contributions by corporations and unions to political parties and set a limit on individual donations. The second was the Charter of the French Language which provided for fundamental French-language rights.
On May 17, 1979, Robert Burns resigned from the PQ. He had been unofficial leader of the PQ's left-wing faction and a key architect of electoral reforms. He later told the media that he was convinced the PQ would lose its upcoming sovereignty referendum and fail to be re-elected afterward.
Referendum of 1980
At its seventh national convention in June 1979, the sovereigntists adopted their strategy for the coming referendum. The PQ then began an aggressive effort to promote Sovereignty-Association by providing proposed details (which had yet to be negotiated) on how economic relations with the rest of Canada would include free trade between Canada and Quebec, common tariffs against imports, and a common currency. In addition, joint political institutions were proposed to administer these economic arrangements.
Sovereignty-Association was proposed to the population of Quebec in the 1980 Quebec referendum. The proposal was rejected by 60 per cent of the Quebec electorate.
In September, the PQ created a national committee of anglophones and a liaison committee with ethnic minorities.
Despite having lost the referendum, the PQ was returned to power in the 1981 election with a stronger majority, obtaining 49.2 per cent of the vote and winning 80 seats. However, they did not pursue sovereignty and concentrated on their stated goal of "good government".
René Lévesque retired in 1985. In the 1985 election under his successor Pierre-Marc Johnson, the PQ was defeated by the Liberals.
Constitutional reform attempts Meech Lake Accord (1987) The Meech Lake Accord was a set of constitutional amendments to the Constitution Act, 1982. In 1987, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and the provincial premiers negotiated the accord, which satisfied all of Quebec's demands. It decentralized the authority of the federal government, allowing the provinces greater influence over policy-making.Jonathan Lemco, Turmoil in the Peaceable Kingdom: The Quebec Sovereignty Movement and Its Implications for Canada and the United States (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 19. Quebec's five principal concerns addressed in the accords dealt with the constitutional recognition of Quebec as a 'distinct society', a constitutionally protected provincial role in immigration, a provincial role in Supreme Court appointments, limitations on federal power, spending in areas of provincial jurisdiction, and an affirmed veto for Quebec over any future constitutional amendments.Richard Simeon, "Meech Lake and Shifting Conceptions of Canadian Federalism," Canadian Public Policy/ Analyse de Politiques 14:1, Supplement: The Meech Lake Accord / L'Accord du lac Meech (September 1988), S9. In addition to the Progressive Conservatives' initiative in pledging to reach 'national reconciliation' through constitutional rapprochement and re-establishment of harmonious ties in federal–provincial relations,Simeon, "Meech Lake," S9. the Liberals and New Democrats also supported the accord in a House of Commons vote.Lemco, Turmoil, 21. Adhering to the procedure to ratify an amendment as outlined in the Constitution Act of 1982, the accord was sent to the ten provincial legislatures for approval.Simeon, "Meech Lake," S9-S10. However, the accord collapsed due to the failure of the Manitoba and Newfoundland governments to ratify it before the three-year deadline in 1990.Lemco, Turmoil, 20. The implications of the failed accord caused a greater divide between French Quebecers and English Canada.
Several reasons have been attributed to the accord's downfall, including the indirect and elitist manner in which negotiations were handled, the lack of proper recognition concerning minorities' interests, vague discussion about key issues, weak promotion by the federal government, and deliberate manipulation of the media and public by politicians in support and in opposition. Within Quebec, francophones responded with indignation at the failure of the accord, interpreting it as a rejection of French reality by English Canada.David R. Cameron and Jacqueline D. Krikorian, "Recognizing Quebec in the Constitution of Canada: Using the Bilateral Constitutional Amendment Process," University of Toronto Law Journal 58:4 (Fall 2008): 392. Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa's remarks that "English Canada should understand that no matter what is said or done, Quebec remains today as always a distinct society that is capable and free to assume its own development",Rhéal Séguin, "Bourassa sees a redefined role for his provincle," The Globe and Mail, June 23, 1990, A01. which indicated the general consensus in Quebec after the failure of the accord. Canadians outside of the province expressed resentment towards the 'distinct society' clause. There was a widespread sense that only the French benefited from the accord and that it did not address other constitutional issues.Cameron and Krikorian, "Recognizing Quebec," 392. Newfoundland Premier Clyde Wells feared that Quebec would use the 'distinct society' clause to assert greater and special jurisdictional authority over what would otherwise be under federal jurisdiction. This was reflective of the commonly perceived notion, held by English-Canadians, that the Meech Lake Accord would bring unevenness and difference to rights and powers, where the intended effect was to introduce equality.Robert Vipond, "From Provincial Autonomy to Provincial Equality (Or, Clyde Wells and the Distinct Society)," in Is Quebec Nationalism Just? Perspectives from Anglophone Canada, ed. Joseph H. Carens (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995), 108.
Charlottetown Accord (1992)