The Battle of Vercellae or Battle of the Raudine Plain was fought on 30 July 101 BC on a plain near Vercellae in Gallia Cisalpina, modern-day Northern Italy. A Celtic-Germanic confederation under the command of the Cimbric king Boiorix was defeated by a Roman army under the joint command of the consul Gaius Marius and the proconsul Quintus Lutatius Catulus. The battle marked the end of the Cimbrian War.
Background In 113 BC, a large migrating Germanic-Celtic alliance headed by the Cimbri and the Teutons entered the Roman sphere of influence. They invaded Noricum (located in present-day Austria and Slovenia) which was inhabited by the Taurisci people, friends and allies of Rome. The Senate commissioned Gnaeus Papirius Carbo, one of the consuls, to lead a substantial Roman army to Noricum to force the barbarians out. An engagement, later called the Battle of Noreia, took place, in which the invaders completely overwhelmed the Roman Legions and inflicted a devastating loss on them.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, p. 41.
After the Noreia victory, the Cimbri and Teutons moved westward towards Gaul. In 109 BC, they moved along the Rhodanus River towards the Roman province of Transalpine Gaul. The Roman consul, Marcus Junius Silanus, was sent to take care of the renewed Germanic threat. Silanus marched his army north along the Rhodanus River to confront the migrating Germanic tribes. He met the Cimbri approximately 100 miles north of Arausio where a battle was fought and the Romans suffered another humiliating defeat. The Germanic tribes then moved to the lands north and east of Tolosa in south-western Gaul.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, p. 42.
To the Romans, the presence of the Germanic tribes in Gaul posed a serious threat to the stability in the area and to their prestige. Lucius Cassius Longinus, one of the consuls of 107 BC, was sent to Gaul at the head of another large army. He first fought the Cimbri and their Gallic allies the Volcae Tectosages just outside Tolosa, and despite the huge number of tribesmen, the Romans routed them. Unfortunately for the Romans, a few days later they were ambushed while marching on Burdigala. The Battle of Burdigala destroyed the Romans' hopes of definitively defeating the Cimbri and so the Germanic threat continued.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, pp 42-43.
In 106 BC the Romans sent their largest army yet; the senior consul of that year, Quintus Servilius Caepio, was authorized to use eight legions in an effort to end the Germanic threat once and for all. While the Romans were busy getting their army together, the Volcae Tectosages had quarrelled with their Germanic guests, and had asked them to leave the area. When Caepio arrived he only found the local tribes and they sensibly decided not to fight the newly arrived legions. In 105 BC, Caepio's command was prorogued and a further six legions were raised in Rome by Gnaeus Mallius Maximus, one of the consuls of 105 BC. Mallius Maximus led them to reinforce Caepio who was near Arausio. Unfortunately for the Romans, Caepio who was a patrician, and Mallius Maximus, who was a 'new man', clashed with each other. Caepio refused to take orders from Mallius Maximus who as consul outranked him. All this led to a divided Roman force with the two armies so uncooperative that they were unwilling to support each other when the fighting started. Meanwhile, the Germanic tribes had combined their forces. First they attacked and defeated Caepio's army and then, with great confidence, took on Mallius Maximus's army and defeated it too. The Battle of Arausio was considered the greatest Roman defeat since the slaughter suffered at the Battle of Cannae during the Punic Wars.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, pp 45-51.
In 104 BC the Cimbri and the Teutons seemed to be heading for Italy. The Romans sent the senior consul of that year, Gaius Marius, a proven and capable general, at the head of another large army. The Germanic tribes never materialized so Marius subdued the Volcae Tectosages capturing their king Copillus.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, p.58. In 103 BC, Sulla, one of Marius's lieutenants, succeeded in persuading the Germanic Marsi tribe to become friends and allies of Rome; they detached themselves from the Germanic confederation and went back to Germania.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, pp 57-58. In 102 BC Marius marched against the Teutons and Ambrones in Gaul. Quintus Lutatius Catulus, Marius's consular colleague, was tasked with keeping the Cimbri out of Italy. Catulus's army suffered some losses when the Cimbri attacked him near Tridentum, but he retreated and kept his army intact.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, pp 60-61. Meanwhile, Marius had completely defeated the Ambrones and the Teutons in a battle near Aquae Sextiae in Transalpine Gaul. In 101 BC the armies of Marius and Catulus joined forces and faced the Germanic invaders in Galia Cisalpina (Italian Gaul).Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, p. 65; Philip Matyszak, Sertorius and the Struggle for Spain, pp 14-15.
By July 101 BC the Cimbri were heading westwards along the banks of the Po River. Unfortunately for them, the armies of Marius and Catulus had merged and now camped around Placentia. Marius had been elected consul again (his fifth consulship) and was therefore in supreme command. He began negotiations with the Cimbri, who demanded land to settle on. Marius refused and instead sought to demoralize the Cimbri by parading captured Teuton nobles before them. Neither side genuinely sought negotiations; the Romans not intending to hand over their land to foreign invaders and the Cimbri believing themselves to be the superior force.Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, p. 64.
Over the next few days, the armies manoeuvred against each other, the Romans initially refusing to give battle. Eventually Marius chose the optimal location for the battle, an open plain (the Raudine Plain) near Vercellae, and then met with the Cimbri leader Boiorix to agree on the time and place of battle. Marius had some 52,000–54,000 men (mainly heavy infantry), the Cimbri had 120,000–180,000 warriors. (Modern historians are always somewhat sceptical about the overwhelming numbers the legions are reported to have fought, but there is no way to determine the true numbers today.)Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, pp 64-65Philip Matyszak, Sertorius and the Struggle for Spain, p. 13.Marc Hyden, Gaius Marius, p. 144.
Prelude Marius and Catulus had stationed their army in a defensible position near the River Po, to prevent the Cimbri from moving into Italy. The combined force was led by Marius, who held senior rank. Seeing that the Cimbri were not advancing towards them, he crossed the river and neared their position. The Cimbri sent an embassage to the Roman camp.Plutarch, Life of Marius, 22.2. Marius offered battle, but the envoys refused, claiming they were waiting for their allies. They, in their turn, demanded land to be settled on for themselves and for their allies. Marius inquired as to which allies they were referring. The emissaries responded they meant the Teutons and/or Ambrones. Marius replied, 'Then don't trouble yourself with your brethren, for they have land, and they will have it forever – land which we have given them.', referring to the Ambronic and Teutonic dead he had left at Aquae Sextiae The Cimbri did not understand; Marius therefore produced a number of captive Teutonic kings, possibly including Teutobod, from a nearby tent.Plutarch, Life of Marius, 24,2–4; Florus, Epitome of Roman History, 1.38.10.
The envoys returned to the Cimbric camp and informed their leaders of the fate of their allies. The Cimbric king, Boiorix, convinced his people to fight the Romans as soon as possible, as he wanted to settle the conflict sooner rather than later.Plutarch, Life of Marius, 25.1. Boiorix met with Marius and offered battle; he gave the Romans the choice of where and when the battle would take place. Marius informed the king that though the Romans did not allow the enemy to dictate their military affairs, Marius was willing to make an exception for the Cimbri. He instructed the king to meet him near Vercellae, also called the Raudian Plain.Plutarch, Life of Marius, 25,2–3; Florus, Epitome of Roman History, 1.38.14.
Location Traditionally, most historians locate the site of the battle in or near the modern Vercelli, Piedmont, in northern Italy. Some historiansfor instance: think that "vercellae" is not a proper name and may refer to any mining area at the confluence of two rivers.
The latter historians think that the Cimbri followed the river Adige after having crossed the Brenner Pass, instead of "unreasonably" turning west to the modern Vercelli; this way, the location of the battle would be in the modern Polesine instead, possibly near the modern Rovigo. At Borgo Vercelli, near the river Sesia, 5 km from Vercelli, items have been found that supposedly strengthen the tradition.
Another suggested location is the hamlet of Roddi, in what is now the province of Cuneo, Piedmont.Descriptive material in the Ethnological Museum of the Castle of Grinzane Cavour.
Battle On 30 July 101 BC, the Roman army marched onto the Raudine Plain. Marius split up his own 30,000–32,000-man army into two lots each forming the wings of the army, while Catulus and his 20,000–24,000 less experienced troops formed the centre.Plutarch, Life of Marius, 25.4. Marius took command of the left wing, with Sulla commanding the cavalry on the extreme right. Marius had very sensibly formed up his lines facing west, as a result of which the Cimbri would fight with the morning sun in their eyes. The wind was blowing towards the enemy, so any dust kicked up by their manoeuvering would blow towards the Cimbri, impairing their eyesight. The Cimbri arrived second, marching onto the plain in a basic square formation with their warriors as deep as they were wide and covering an area of over ten square miles. The 15,000-strong Cimbric cavalry rode ahead of the square, forming the vanguard of the Cimbric forces.Marc Hyden, Gaius Marius, pp 147–150; Lynda Telford, Sulla: A Dictator Reconsidered, p. 64-66; Philip Matyszak, Sertorius and the Struggle for Spain, p. 13.
According to Plutarch, Marius made a final sacrifice to the gods: "Marius washed his hands, and lifting them up to heaven, vowed to make a sacrifice of 100 beasts should victory be his," while Catulus promised the day's spoils to the gods for their help.Plutarch, Life of Marius, 26,1–2.