Women in conservatism in the United States have advocated for social, political, economic, and cultural conservative policies going as far back as the anti-suffragism movement of the 1860s. Conservative women's political action frequently takes an anti-feminist stance; and debate around women’s role in society frequently dictates political action taken by conservative women. Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly argued against women’s suffrage, on the basis that it was women's privileged nature to remain in the home and out of the workplace. Gender essentialism, or the presence of innate differences between the sexes, is central to Schlafly's "essential nature" arguments, and this thread of belief can be found throughout women’s history in conservative politics.
The evolution of gender essentialism in conservative politics can be seen in Vice Presidential Nominee and Alaskan Governor Sarah Palin self-identifying as a feminist, and adopting a maternal stance to balance her more traditionally masculine positions in political leadership. Today, notable female conservative activists and conservative women’s organizations, such as Concerned Women for America and the Independent Women’s Forum continue advancing conservative policies in the U.S and remain influenced by gender essentialism in their activism.
History Anti-suffragism
Women first began to oppose suffrage in Massachusetts in 1868. They succeeded in blocking the proposal, and this caused the movement to gain momentum. The National Association Opposed to Women Suffrage (NAOWS) was formed by Josephine Dodge in 1911. NAOWS primarily consisted of wealthy women who were often wives of politicians. These women helped defeat nearly 40 suffrage proposals, and published the Women's Protest to voice their agenda nationwide. Dodge and the organization argued for women to remain out of the political sphere, and instead be more efficient and diligent in "work for which her nature and her training fit her." These anti-feminist beliefs are what shaped the anti-suffrage crusade.
Postwar Era In the early 1950s, local activist movements against liberal education reforms became an early source of organization for conservative women. As progressive school administrators attempted to desegregate public schools and implement non-traditional teaching methods, grassroots organizations run primarily by women mobilized to oppose these measures. Such organizations notably succeeded in ousting Pasadena superintendent Willard Goslin and Houston deputy superintendent George Ebey, attracting national media attention.Nickerson 2012, p. 86. Many conservative women were attracted to this cause, as the issue involved key principles for the emerging American conservative movement: traditionalism, anti-communism, and a skepticism of 'big government'. Women were well-positioned through their role as housewives to portray themselves as protectors of their local community and the principle of home rule against outsiders trying to radically transform children's education.Nickerson 2012, p. 101. In order to organize these local-level campaigns against education reforms, women activists created conservative political networks and study groups that would facilitate future advocacy of conservative causes.Nickerson 2012, p. 81.
Throughout the postwar period, women continued to be heavily involved in organizations of conservative activists. After campaigns against progressive education reform galvanized conservative women in the early 1950s, many began to join the John Birch Society (JBS) and associated organizations after the formation of the JBS in 1958. While the JBS maintained a rigidly patriarchal structure, with many chapters only allowing women to serve coffee and food at their meetings instead of active participation, the organization helped to direct attention and resources toward other conservative groups dominated by women.Nickerson 2012, pp. 140–141.
Among the conservative groups of the period, particularly in the hotbed of southern California, conservative bookstores were a particularly effective institution for channeling the activist energies of conservative women. These stores sold polemics, novels, memoirs, and bumper stickers, all with an explicitly conservative (and anti-communist) bent. Sales served to disseminate information and bring in money for conservative organizations. Many of these stores were staffed and run primarily by women, often affiliated with the John Birch Society.Nickerson 2012, pp. 142–147.
Goldwater campaign A significant source of conservative women's activism was in southern California in the 1950s and 1960s, particularly in Orange County, California. Female conservative activists organized around their opposition to internationalism, Communism, and the welfare state. These women mainly consisted of "suburban warriors," or middle-class housewives who feared Christian values in America were under attack. Female conservative activists in southern California harnessed the preexisting culture of volunteerism and civic engagement, which largely revolved around women and their schedules, to mobilize for their causes.Nickerson 2012, pp. 38–39. Increasing Cold War tensions and fears of Communism allowed these women to mobilize groups such as the John Birch Society and the American Civil Liberties Union to pursue their political agendas. Many women first found political community in Republican women's clubs. The Republican Party of the time emphasized inherent differences between the sexes, and its sex-segregated local organizations provided a political network for conservative suburban women.
Conservative women, particularly those in grassroots organizations, supported Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater and successfully campaigned for him to become the presidential candidate for the Republican Party in 1964. Many women were mobilized in support of Goldwater's primary campaign after reading A Choice Not an Echo, a pro-Goldwater book written by young female conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly. Grassroots activists, many of them women, were crucial to the conservative Goldwater's victory in the Republican primary over liberal Republican Nelson Rockefeller, particularly in the crucial state of California. However, Goldwater lost the national election to incumbent Democratic president Lyndon Johnson in a landslide. Still, his nomination illustrated the shift from moderation to more hardline stances in many members of the Republican Party. His campaign also showcased the success of conservative grassroots organizations and mobilization.
Equal Rights Amendment As feminist organizations, such as the National Organization for Women and ERAmerica, campaigned for the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment, antifeminist organizations run by conservative women mobilized to oppose the amendment. The ERA, stating that "equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex," passed in the House of Representatives and the Senate with overwhelming majorities in 1971 and 1972, respectively. Following congressional approval, the amendment needed to be ratified by 38 of the 50 state legislatures to be adopted. In the following year 30 states ratified, with most approving the amendment in the first three months. Given the considerable momentum behind the amendment, the ERA appeared certain to be adopted.
Soon after Congress approved the Equal Rights Amendment, Phyllis Schlafly assembled a meeting of conservative women, mostly members of the National Federation of Republican Women, to form STOP ERA ("Stop Taking Our Privileges"). The organization was narrowly focused on opposing ratification of the amendment, claiming the ERA would subject women to the draft, attack the traditional family structure, and promote abortion.Critchlow 2005, pp. 218–219. STOP ERA established chapters in 26 states and successfully lobbied against ratification in state legislatures that had yet to approve the amendment. The organization mobilized many conservative women, particularly religious women, who were previously uninvolved in politics.Critchlow 2005, pp. 220–223
The movement to oppose the Equal Rights Amendment is credited with reviving the Republican Party after the Watergate scandal.Critchlow 2005, p. 214 Following Nixon's resignation, only 18 percent of voters identified as Republicans. As conservative women mobilized against the ERA, however, the Republican party was able to tap into popular discontent with feminism, abortion rights, and secularism by tying these issues to the movement to pass the amendment. The GOP and the conservative movement made inroads with evangelical Protestants, Roman Catholics, Orthodox Jews, and Mormons through the anti-ratification movement. The campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment, mobilizing women on the basis of their gender, brought new women into the conservative movement based on the social issues of the 1970s, rather than the anticommunist fervor of the early postwar era.Critchlow 2005, p. 220
The anti-ERA movement was successful in defeating the amendment, changing the Republican party platform, and shifting public opinion. STOP ERA and its allies ran strong state-level campaigns in battleground states, while pro-ERA groups focused on a national strategy that proved ineffective at winning over state legislators.Critchlow 2005, pp. 224–230. Conservative women focused on states with traditionalist public sentiments, such as heavily Mormon and Southern states, to prevent the ERA from passing, ensuring the ERA could not reach 38 ratifying states. By 1976, the Republican party abandoned its support of the Equal Rights Amendment, and by 1980 conservative anti-ERA women had succeeded in other goals, securing an anti-abortion plank in the GOP platform and helping nominate Ronald Reagan for president. At the end of the 1970s, less than half of women supported the ERA, and the effort to ratify the amendment was largely abandoned.Critchlow 2005, pp. 264–268.
Reagan era After Goldwater's defeat, grassroots conservatives had to rethink their strategy. Thus, conservative women soon turned to Ronald Reagan. He won over the support of the women of Orange County and successfully unified the party when he was elected Governor of California in the 1966 election. However, there were some women that opposed him due to his more mainstream views. Cyril Stevenson, a prominent leader of the California Republican Assembly, sought to undermine his candidacy. These attempts failed, nevertheless, as Reagan was elected. However, a significantly lower number of women than men voted for Reagan when he was eventually elected President of the United States. Reagan gained the support of more conservative women by attempting to close this "gender gap." He enacted equal rights policies attempting to end discrimination laws. Still, Reagan's election showed that the new Republican majority, although still coined "mainstream," was now built on anti-liberalism and contained more conservative views, and conservative women activists like the women of Orange County played a very important role in that shift.
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