Israel is the home to Haredim, non-Haredi Orthodox, Karaite, Ethiopian, Reform, Conservative, and secular Jews, as well as adherents of other religions in Israel. The religious status quo, agreed to by David Ben-Gurion with the Orthodox parties at the time of Israel's declaration of independence in 1948, is an agreement on the role that Judaism would play in Israel's government and the judicial system. Tensions exist between religious and secular groups in Israel.
Background , 8% of Israel's Jewish population above the age of 20 defines itself as Haredi (sometimes referred to as ultra-Orthodox), 12% as religious (generally Orthodox), 13% as traditional-religious, 25% as traditional, and 42% as secular. Among the Arab population, 8% define themselves as very religious, 47% as religious, 27% as not very religious, and 18% as not religious.
For those under the age of 20, in Jewish secondary schools, 20.2% are Haredi, 17.3% are religious, and 62.5% are non-religious. In primary school, 28.9% are Haredi, 18.5% religious, and 52.6% are non-religious.
Relations within the Jewish community
The State of Israel allows freedom of religion for all religious communities, both in law and in practice. Freedom House reports that in Israel: "Freedom of religion is respected. Each community has jurisdiction over its own members in matters of marriage, burial, and divorce."
One point of contention between Haredi and non-Haredi Jewish Israelis is the topic of Haredi conscription. This is because Haredi Israelis were previously exempt from military service as long as they were devoted full-time to Torah study. Many leaders of Haredi yeshivas encourage students to apply for exemptions from service, ostensibly to protect them from the secularizing environment of the IDF. Over the years, the number of exemptions has grown to about 10% of conscriptable manpower. Many secular Israelis consider the system of exemptions to be systematic shirking of duty to serve in the IDF by a large segment of society.
Haredi couples tend to marry young and often rely on government assistance sooner and to a greater extent than do secular Israelis. Haredi Israelis are also represented by Haredi political parties, which like all smaller parties in a system of proportional representation may tend to wield disproportionate political power at the point when government coalitions need to be negotiated and formed following national elections.
As of June 2008, the two main Haredi parties in the Knesset are Shas, representing Sephardi and Mizrahi interests, and United Torah Judaism, an alliance of Degel HaTorah (Lithuanian Haredi) and Agudath Yisrael. Secular Israelis often view Haredi Israelis with distrust or animosity. The Shinui party was created as a backlash to the perceived influence of the Haredi parties, and to represent the interests of secular Jews that supposedly were not seen to by the other non-religious parties.
Tension also exists between the Orthodox establishment and the Conservative and Reform movements. Only Orthodox Judaism is officially recognized in Israel (though conversions conducted by Conservative and Reform clergy outside of Israel may be accepted for the purposes of the Law of Return). As a result, Conservative and Reform synagogues receive minimal government funding and support. In the past, Conservative and Reform rabbis cannot officiate at religious ceremonies, and any marriages, divorces, and conversions they perform are not considered valid. Conservative and Reform Jews have been prohibited from holding services at the Western Wall on the grounds that they violate Orthodox norms regarding participation of women. Tensions surrounding practices at the Kotel have received international attention and have resulted in the formation of a group, Women of the Wall, dedicated to ensuring that Jewish women are allowed to pray at the Kotel in their fashion.
Tensions between Haredim and secular Jews
The Haredi community in Israel has adopted a policy of cultural dissociation, but at the same time, it has struggled to remain politically active, perceiving itself as the true protector of the country's Jewish nature.
The issues date to the late nineteenth-early twentieth century, with the rise of Zionism. The vast majority of Haredi Jews rejected Zionism for a number of reasons. Chief among these was the claim that Jewish political independence could only be obtained through Divine intervention, with the coming of the Jewish Messiah. Any attempt to force history was seen as an open rebellion against Judaism (for a more complete exposition of this ideology see Three Oaths; Vayoel Moshe; Neturei Karta).
More important was the dislike that the political and cultural Zionism of the time felt toward any manifestation of religion. Influenced by socialism, secular Zionists looked on religion as an outdated relic, which should disappear (or, according to some extreme views, even be eradicated) in favor of Jewish nationalism. As with the nineteenth century Reform Judaism movement in Germany, the result was mutual recriminations, rejection, and harsh verbal attacks. To Zionists, Haredi Jews were either "primitives" or "parasites"; to Haredi Jews, Zionists were tyrannizing heretics. This cultural conflict still plagues Israeli society today, where animosity between the two groups has even pervaded both their educational systems.
Despite the animosity, it was necessary for the two groups to work out some modus vivendi in the face of a more dangerous enemy, the Nazis. This was achieved by a division of powers and authority, based on the division that existed during the British Mandate in the country. Known as the "status quo", it granted political authority (such as control over public institutions, the army, etc.) to the then-secular Zionist establishment, and religious authority (such as control over marriage, divorce, conversions, etc.) to the Orthodox. A compromise worked out by Labor Zionist leader Berl Katznelson even before statehood ensured that public institutions accommodate the Orthodox by observing the Sabbath and providing kosher food.
Notwithstanding these compromises, many Haredi groups maintained their previous apolitical stance. The community had split into two parts: Agudat Israel, which cooperated with the state, and the Edah HaChareidis, which fiercely opposed it. Both groups still exist today, with the same attitudes. The Edah HaChareidis includes a number of Hasidic groups, such as Satmar, Dushinsky, and Toldos Aharon, as well as several non-Hasidic groups of Lithuanian and Hungarian background.
A small minority of Jews, who claim to have been descended from communities who had lived peacefully with their Arab neighbors during the 18th and early 19th centuries, took a different stance. In 1935, they formed a new grouping called the Neturei Karta out of a coalition of several previous anti-Zionist Jewish groups in the Holy Land, and aligned themselves politically with the Arabs out of a dislike for Zionist policies.
In 2010, the Sephardic Haredi political party Shas broke ranks with the aforementioned Ashkenazi Haredi organizations and joined the World Zionist Organization, becoming the first officially Zionist Haredi political party.
As part of the Status Quo Agreement worked out between prime minister David Ben-Gurion and the religious parties, Haredi leader Rabbi Avraham Yeshayah Karelitz (known as the Chazon Ish) was promised that the government would exempt a group of religious scholars (at that time, 400) from compulsory military service so that they could pursue their studies.
Finally, the Agudat Israel party, supported by much of the Haredi population, was invited to participate in the governing coalition. It agreed, but did not appoint any ministers, since that would have implied participation in non-religious actions taken by the government.
Haredim proved to be able politicians, gradually increasing their leverage and influence. In addition, the Haredi population grew substantially, giving them a larger power base. From a small group of just four members in the 1977 Knesset, they gradually increased the number of seats they hold to 22 (out of 120) in 1999. In effect, they controlled the balance of power between the country's two major parties.
In the early 1980s, the Shas party of Sephardic Haredim was set up. Shas appealed to Sephardim who felt marginalized by the dominant Ashkenazi Zionist establishment. In 1999, Shas gained 17 Knesset seats (other Haredim won 5 seats). Taking the attitude that restoring Sephardic pride and restoring Sephardic religious observance are one and the same, Shas has created devoted cadres of newly religious and semi-religious men and women with the zeal of neophytes and an animosity toward the country's secular European political establishment. Furthermore, the movement has shown unwavering and determined obedience in its supporters to the teachings of it spiritual leader, Rabbi Ovadiah Yosef.
The Haredim are often at odds with the Supreme Court of Israel, which does not base its rulings on halachic beliefs or policy. A notable case of this trend is the "Who Is a Jew?" case, in which the Supreme Court ruled that the Ministry of the Interior (then controlled by Shas) must recognize Reform and Conservative converts to Judaism. In many instances, the Haredim have responded to these perceived threats angrily, verbally defending against their opponents. At the same time, they recognize the animosity many secular Israelis feel toward them, and have embarked on various public relations campaigns and other media projects to improve their image among the general public. In practice, the Israeli Haredim remain firmly entrenched in seats of political power befitting their voting strength, with both blocs doing everything they can to gain their support.
The Haredim are relatively poor, compared to other Israelis, but represent an important market sector.Israel's ultra-Orthodox drive a thriving kosher economyBartram, David. "Cultural Dimensions of Workfare and Welfare", Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 7:3, 233–47, 2005 Consequently, the Israeli Haredim "probably spend more time in formal study than any other class of humans ever has in the history of the planet".Israel Turns on Itself. Efron, Noah. Foreign Policy, 7/20/2009. "More than 50 percent live below the poverty line and get state allowances, compared with 15 percent of the rest of the population..." Their families are also larger, usually having six or seven children.