Nicolae Fleva (; also known as Nicu Fleva, Correspondent, "Scrisoare din București", in Românul (Arad), Nr. 14/1912, p.4 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library) Francized Nicolas Fléva; "Convention" , in Mémorial du Grand-Duché du Luxembourg. Memorial des Grosherzogtums Luxemburg, Nr. 56/1909, p.856 (digitized by Legilux); Charles I. Bevans (ed.), Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America (1776–1949). I: Multilateral (1776–1917), United States Department of State, Washington, 1968, p.439 1840 – August 4, 1920) was a Wallachian, later Romanian politician, political journalist and lawyer. Known especially for his involvement in political incidents, and for a stated patriotism bordering on demagogy, he tested all political formulas that Romania's two-party system would allow. His activity in the public sphere brought a decades-long presence in the Assembly of Deputies and a mandate as Mayor of Bucharest between 1884 and 1886.
After beginnings with the National Liberal Party, which he helped establish and represented in court, Fleva came to oppose its monopoly on power. He experimented with creating a third party, negotiated common platforms for the various opposition forces, including the Conservatives and the Junimea society, during contiguous National Liberal administrations. Fleva was notoriously involved in the major scandals of the 1880s, when his ridicule of National Liberal power generated street battles and sparked two separate shooting incidents. At the time, "Flevist" groups were seen as the leading voice of middle class discontent, and formed one of several currents pushing for the adoption of universal male suffrage.
Fleva returned into the National Liberal camp when he was refused a leading role in Conservative cabinets, and, in 1895–1896, was the Internal Affairs Minister. He clashed with the party over a number of issues, returned into opposition, and was later (1899–1900) the Conservative Minister of Agriculture. Involved as both accused and whistleblower in some corruption scandals of the early 20th century, he was sent as Ambassador to Italy, and ended his career with a stint in the Conservative-Democratic Party. During World War I, Fleva brought suspicion on himself as a supporter, and possible agent of influence, of the Central Powers.
Biography
Origins and early career The future politician was born in the Wallachian town of Râmnicu Sărat to a family of low-ranking boyars.Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.122-123 He was a descendant of Greek settlers, who probably arrived to the Buzău region during the Phanariote era.Bibliotecar, "Testimonii identitare", in Străjer în Calea Furtunilor, Nr. 6, December 2009, p.77. See also Ornea (1998), p.193-194 He had a sister, Cleopatra (married Tabacopol), whose daughter Alexandrina was married to Ion Istrati, Adjutant to the King of Romania between 1892 and 1897. Mihai Sorin Rădulescu, "Familia unui aghiotant regal", in Ziarul Financiar, May 21, 2009
In youth, Nicolae Fleva attended the Saint Sava College, Bucharest, and graduated in law at the University of Naples (1867).Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123 Upon his return to Romania, Fleva spent a period tending to his lands in Putna County, pursuing interests in agriculture and horse breeding: he judged in ploughing contests at local fairs, and received a silver medal for his mare Diditia.Ionescu de la Brad, p.519, 533 Fleva brought professional harness racing to Romania, and received honorable mention for his own contribution to that sport.Ionescu de la Brad, p.534
In addition to building a legal career, and becoming one of the most successful legal professionals of the 1870s,Mugur Isărescu, Surica Rosentuler, Sabina Marițiu, Restitutio 3. Viața și opera lui Eugeniu Carada , National Bank of Romania, 2003, p.25 Fleva created a trademark and highly unconventional political style. Described by contemporaries as possessing a warm and engaging voice,Boia (1973), p.79; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123 he relied on patriotic-themed oratory, and reportedly could speak for four hours on end without accepting interruptions. Maria Apostol, "Primari de legendă. Dezastruoasa guvernare a primarului-tribun acuzat de crimă", in Adevărul, April 16, 2011 Ion Luca Caragiale, Un interview (wikisource) He notoriously organized electoral National Liberal rallies in front of patriotic landmarks, such as the Michael the Brave Monument in University Square. With time, Fleva became known to his supporters as Tribunul, "the Tribune",Bacalbașa, p.72, 206, 220, 230, 247, 260, 266, 268; Boia (2010), p.94; Durnea, p.40; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.125; Rusu Abrudeanu, p.112-113 or variations of that nickname. Mihai Sorin Rădulescu, "Un pictor fin de siècle" , in România Literară, Nr. 17/2009 Writing in 2011, journalist Maria Apostol called him "one of the most controversial political figures in the history of Romania." Fleva himself did not preoccupy himself with his colleagues' resentment of his conduct, publicizing his motto: "I'd rather have enemies who respect me than friends who despise me."
One of the first causes involving Fleva, as a young figure in the liberal-republican opposition, was the dispute between liberals and Romania's monarch, Domnitor Carol of Hohenzollern. The "Tribune" was first elected to the Assembly in the 1870 race, representing the 4th (lowest) Electoral College in Putna County. He stood out in that legislature with claims that the election for town and city councils were being rigged by the political establishment, and congratulated those who, like Nicolae Moret Blaremberg, denounced the politics of Prime Minister M. C. Epureanu. "Romani'a. Adunarea Deputatiloru. Siedinti'a de la 3. decembre 1870", in Federatiunea, Nr. 131/1870, p.511-512 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
The period saw him joining a defense team for soldiers and civilians prosecuted for their roles in the "Republic of Ploiești" conspiracy—all of them, including liberal leaders Ion Brătianu, C. A. Rosetti, Eugeniu Carada and Anton I. Arion, were acquitted. Bogdan Jitea, " 'Republica de la Ploiești' așa cum n-a văzut-o Caragiale" , in Historia online edition; retrieved November 5, 2011Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.68, 123 Fleva, who rested his defense tactic on contending that Epureanu's men had incited and misled Romanian republicans, publicized his speeches in court as the 1871 booklet Procesul lui 8 august. Apărarea făcută celor 41 acusați ("The Trial of August 8. The Defense of the 41 Accused"). This was to be the first of several confrontations between Fleva and Carol, who even consider abdicating the throne after the verdict came out.
Fleva was again sent to the Assembly after the 1871 election, but this time represented Muscel County. His hold of the seat was contested by a rival politician, Potoceanu: in early 1875, just before the scheduled election the Assembly plenum ruled to remove Fleva from his position of deputy. "Romani'a", in Federatiunea, Nr. 19-20/1875, p.60 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
1875 arrest and the "Mazar Pașa" coalition Subsequently, Fleva played a part in the effort to unite a single liberal opposition against the conservatism of Prime Minister Lascăr Catargiu and other political leaders closest to Carol. By then the Bucharest-based liberal movement expanded its basis, reaching out to various undecided liberal clubs. It was soon joined by the main anti-Catargiu factions: a moderate current spearheaded by Ion Ghica and Mihail Kogălniceanu; Nicolae Ionescu and his "Fractionists" from the eastern Romanian province of Moldavia; and a group of former conservatives such as Epureanu.Boia (1973), p.79 The first result of their effort was a political gazette, Alegătorul Liber ("The Enfranchised Voter"). Fleva was part of the Editorial Committee, which included almost all of the liberal leadership (excluding C. A. Rosetti), and employed the young satirical journalist Ion Luca Caragiale as copy editor.
Carried by Fleva's oratory and by exposés in Alegătorul Liber,Boia (1973), p.79-80 the liberal campaigners entered the 1875 electoral race with confidence. The moment degenerated in national confusion, after supporters of the two sides organized brawl and a pro-Catargiu electoral agent was killed in public.Boia (1973), p.80 Citing concerns that Fleva was inciting Bucharest's populace, the Prime Minister ordered his arrest, and Fleva was detained in Văcărești Prison; the young politician was released in short time.Boia (1973), p.80; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123 Welcomed back by "a delirious crowd", he also took part in successfully defending the anti-conservative poet Alexandru Macedonski, who faced similar accusations.Tudor Vianu, Scriitori români, Vol. II, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1971, p.369.
The signing of a commercial agreement between Romania and Austria-Hungary, her protectionist neighbor to the northwest, angered the anti-Austrian liberals, to the point where a liberal conspiracy began to emerge.Boia (1973), p.78-79 At this point in time, the liberal factions found support from Stephen "Mazar Pașa" Lakeman, who, as a loyal subject of the British Kingdom, may have intended to steer Romania away from its Austrian commitments.Boia (1973), p.80-81 Fleva was personally involved in the negotiations presided upon by Lakeman, which resulted in the formation of a single National Liberal Party.Boia (1973), p.78, 80-81; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123 His name features among those of 25 members of the party's "Steering Committee", on a list published by Rosetti's Românul in June 1875.Boia (1973), p.80; Cosmin Lucian Gherghe, "Geneza liberalismului din România", in the University of Craiova Revista de Științe Politice, Nr. 18-19/2008, p.127
By March 1876, Catargiu fell out of favor with Carol, who reportedly decided that, as candidate for the premiership, Brătianu was "reasonable and humble".Boia (1973), p.82 This followed a winter of National Liberal agitation, with renewed plans for a Romanian Republic, and then an understanding between the two sides, brokered by Romanian Police chief Ion Bălăceanu.Boia (1973), p.81-83 Nicolae Fleva returned as National Liberal deputy in the early elections of 1876, and was reconfirmed in 1879.
The new Premier, Ion Brătianu, promoted Fleva to a position of influence in the party: with Eugeniu Stătescu and Mihail Pherekyde, Fleva controlled the grassroots campaign against non-liberals. With fellow deputy Pantazi Ghica, he organized a prolonged inquiry by Parliament into the activities of former ministers. From July to December 1876, his Informative Commission toured the country, verifying some 140 dossiers of secret correspondence, organizing house searches, and publishing a 964-pages report.Bulei (1973), p.28-30 He was at the time collecting support for a motion to sue Catargiu for damages, years after Catargiu had quelled the riots in Bucharest. Such initiatives embarrassed the more moderate liberals (led by Kogălniceanu and Epureanu), outraged the conservative press, and were ultimately defeated in Parliament.Bulei (1973), p.25, 27-28, 29-30