Social class differences in food consumption refers to how the quantity and quality of food varies according to a person's social status or position in the social hierarchy. Various disciplines, including social, psychological, nutritional, and public health sciences, have examined this topic. Social class can be examined according to defining factors — education, income, or occupational status — or subjective components, like perceived rank in society. The food represents a demarcation line for the elites, a "social marker", throughout the history of the humanity.
Eating behavior is a highly affiliative act, thus the food one eats is closely tied with one's social class throughout history.Fox, R. (2014). Food and eating: An anthropological perspective. Social Issues Research Centre, 1–22. In contemporary Western society, social class differences in food consumption follow a general pattern. Upper class groups consume foods that signify exclusivity and access to rare goods;Tierney, R. K., & Ohnuki-Tierney, E. (2012). Anthropology of Food. In J. M. Pilcher (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Food History. New York: Oxford University Press. while lower class groups, on the other hand, consume foods that are readily available.
Upper class diets
Exclusivity Like any luxury product, some foods denote a sense of class and distinction.Berg, M. (2012). Luxury, the luxury trades, and the roots of industrial growth: A global perspective. (F. Trentman, Ed.), Oxford Handbook of the History of Consumption. Oxford University Press. According to French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the food consumed by the upper classes reflect "tastes of refinement", and its perceived value in society. Historically, these were highly exclusive food items, which were marked by high demand and low supply.Burnett, S. C., & Krishnendu, R. (2012). Sociology of Food. In J. Pilcher (Ed.), Oxford Handbook of Food History. New York: Oxford University Press.
One clear illustration of this phenomenon is the introduction of spices in European diet. In medieval Western Europe, the amount of meat consumed distinguished the upper from the lower classes, as only upper class groups could afford to eat meat in large quantities. The diet of lower class groups, who had little access to meat, mostly consisted of grains (e.g., barley and rye) and vegetables (e.g. cabbage and carrots). Spices, such as black pepper, were introduced as meat seasoning—albeit in small quantities— following initial contact with Asia. The high cost of transporting these spices limited access to the rich; thus, both the amount and type of meat consumed became a signal of status.
Omnivorism Omnivorism, a term typically reserved for those who consume a non-restricted variety of food products, may also refer to the consumption of rare or foreign foods. Consuming unfamiliar foods, especially foods from different cultures, signifies a sense of worldliness that can only be obtained through social and economic capital. There is some documented evidence for this claim: Upper class groups, relative to lower class groups, were more likely to endorse eating foods that were outside of their native culture and show a preoccupation for the perceived authenticity of foreign cuisine, preferring dine-in establishments over fast food chains.
Nutritional quality Finally, the nutritional quality of Western upper class diets is typically better than those of lower class diets. Several studies have found that with increased education and income, diet quality improved. Even subjective measures of social status, such as the MacArthur Subjective Social Status Scale, exert a similar effect on eating behavior among minority groups. Those who see themselves as having a higher position in society were more likely to report better health.
Better access to healthy foods
Greater income plays an important role in accessing healthy foods. This is especially true in the United States compared to other high-income countries. According to a 2023 survey, 61.5% of respondents consider healthy food to be a luxury. Most health food stores and supermarkets, which carry fresh produce, are more readily available in high-income areas compared to low-income areas. Turrell and colleagues noted that income, as opposed to education and occupational status, was the only significant indicator of low-income groups purchasing foods that met recommended dietary guidelines. Said differently, it was money—not more years of education nor the prestige of one's job— that allowed low-income groups to achieve a healthy diet.
A significant body of evidence shows how healthy foods cost more than unhealthy foods. Nevertheless, scholars have not been able to identify specific micronutrients (i.e., vitamins, minerals) and macronutrients (i.e., carbohydrates, fat) that consistently contribute to the inflated price of a healthy diet. One analysis of food expenditure in the United States demonstrated that the relationship between the price of a food item and its nutritional quality varied according to how the price of food was measured. The price of vegetables, for example, cost nearly twice as much when measured as "price per 100 calories" than when it was measured as "price per edible gram" or "price average portion" (roughly $3.75/100 calories vs. $1.60 and $1.40, respectively). Others have noted that the price of certain fruits and vegetables are dropping at the same rate as popular snack foods, such as chips and cookies.
Higher education and nutritional analysis Higher education is related to a better diet and is thought to improve eating behaviors by increasing susceptibility to health messages. Nutritional literacy and numeracy refers to the ability to understand and use nutrition labels to guide eating behaviors. Higher social class groups report using nutrition labels at a greater rate than low social class groups, but in general, rates of nutrition label use is low. It estimated that only a third of Americans use nutrition labels. Importantly, a vast majority of published studies evaluating the effects of nutrition label use and food consumption did not include other racial/ethnic minorities in their samples, nor did the studies meet the American Dietetic Association standard of reporting. Thus, the extent to which nutrition label use affects the American population, at large, remains in question.
Middle class diets The defining characteristics of middle class diets are less obvious than those of high and low class groups. For one, most researchers struggle to define "middle class". Is it solely a socioeconomic position (i.e., median income, distance from the federal poverty level) or is it a psychological state of mind (i.e., self-perception and culture)? Likewise, middle class diets are subject to the same ambiguity.
The middle class are the biggest consumers of fast food in the United States. Yet, nutritional quality of middle class diets closely mirrors those of the upper classes. More importantly, the nutritional quality of the middle and upper classes is expected to significantly diverge from the lower classes over time.
One way to look at middle class diets is that it reflects an aspirational pursuit of obtaining a higher social standing. Sociological theorist, Gabriel Tarde, suggested that "inferior" classes seek to mimic the culture of the "superior" classes. This is becoming more apparent as conspicuous consumption is on the decline. According to sociologist, Thorstein Veblen, conspicuous consumption is the audacious display of wealth to mark one's social standing. Rapid globalization and online markets have made once-exclusive consumer goods accessible to the middle class American; and, as a result, upper classes have turned away from ostentatious indicators of wealth. Instead, the upper classes have invested in inconspicuous forms of consumption, such as advanced education.
Elizabeth Currid-Halkett, author of The Sum of Small Things: A Theory of the Aspirational Class, suggests that the consumption of organic foods is one way that both the upper and the middle classes engage in inconspicuous consumption. Buying and eating organic foods not only requires a certain degree of expendable money, but it also suggests that the middle class consumer possesses some nutritional knowledge and the ability to access the same grocery markets as the rich. Others note that the middle class also engages in the same upper class practices of eating out and eating foreign foods to display their cultural capital.
Lower class diets
In the United States, one way of defining low social class is reporting an income level lower than the federal poverty threshold. According to the U.S. Federal Poverty Guidelines, a family of four (i.e., two adults and two children under 18) that earns less than $25,750 is considered living below the federal poverty line as of 2019. About 38.1 million Americans live in poverty. However, some argue that this might be an underestimation as the current guidelines do not account for other expenses, such as childcare, transportation, tax, or medical bills.
Nevertheless, having less income requires families to choose generally unhealthy foods to meet basic needs. Low income families do not regularly meet the required daily servings of nutrient-rich foods, such as fruits, vegetables, and whole grains, and this issue spans far beyond the United States. Globally, low income is related to poor micronutrient intake.
In the US, the United States Department of Agriculture developed a set of guidelines designed to help all Americans meet their nutritional needs. In particular, the Thrifty Food Plan was designed to help low-income groups identify time-efficient, budget-friendly foods that met nutritional standards. Additionally, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), formally the Food Stamp Act of 1977, is a government-funded program that provides low-income Americans with subsidies to purchase foods.
Common diet Fatty meats, potatoes, pasta, canned corn, rice and cereal are among the most common foods purchased by many low income families. About 50% of low-income U.S. adults report eating unhealthy or expired foods, and among food bank patrons, the most requested items are dairy products, fruits and vegetables, and lean meat.
Economic perspectives
Food insecurity Food insecurity refers to economic or social conditions that contribute to inconsistent or inadequate access to food. Roughly 43 million American households are impacted by food insecurity and this insecurity disproportionately affects low-income, racial/ethnic minority, and single parent households.
Food insecurity plays a large role in the formation of diets and diet quality. In urban areas, vast income inequality makes purchasing healthy foods more difficult for low-income groups, especially among racial minorities. In rural areas, low-income groups have less access to healthy foods than high income groups. These so-called "food deserts" lack adequate grocery stores or markets that provide fresh and nutritious foods. Some note that food deserts also constitute regions where health foods are available but are expensive or inconsistently stocked. On the other hand, another issue facing many low-income communities is the growing prevalence of fast food restaurants, which pose major health risks.
Availability