The Chaga or Chagga () are a Bantu ethnic group from Kilimanjaro Region of Tanzania. They are the third-largest ethnic group in Tanzania. They founded the now former sovereign Chagga states on the slopes of Mount KilimanjaroYonge, Brian. "The rise and fall of the Chagga empire." Kenya Past and Present 11.1 (1979): 43-48. which governed the current Kilimanjaro region (eastern) of Tanzania.
The Chagga people are recognized as one of the economically successful groups in Tanzania. Their relative wealth is attributed to the fertile soil of volcanic Mount Kilimanjaro, which supports intensive agricultural activities. The Chagga have developed a strong work ethic and engaged in trade, contributing to their current economic standing in the country. They are known for historically employing various agricultural techniques, including sophisticated irrigation systems and terracing, and they have used intensive farming methods for centuries, a tradition that dates back to the time of the Bantu expansion within their historical states.
Around the beginning of the twentieth century, the German colonial government estimated that there were about 28,000 households on Kilimanjaro. In 1988, the Chagga population was estimated at over 800,000 individuals.
Etymology The term "Dschagga" originally referred to a geographical location rather than a specific ethnic group. Notably, German explorer Johannes Rebmann described "the inhabitants of the Dschagga" while documenting the Taita and Kamba peoples during his early expeditions to the region. The name appears to have been a general designation for the mountainous area, used by distant residents to describe it. When Rebmann's Swahili guide referred to "Dischagga," it was likely an overarching term rather than a specific name for a community. Over time, the term underwent anglicization, evolving to "Jagga" by 1860 and "Chagga" by 1871. The latter spelling was chosen by Charles New, who associated it with the Swahili words meaning "to stray" or "to get lost," reflecting the area's dense forests that often disoriented visitors.
History Origins
The Chagga people are believed to have descended from several Bantu groups that migrated from Zambia and Malawi to the foothills of Mount Kilimanjaro. This migration is thought to have commenced around the beginning of the eleventh century. While the Chaga are Bantu-speakers, their language has a number of dialects somewhat related to Kamba, which is spoken in southeast Kenya. One word they all have in common is Mangi, meaning 'king' in Kichagga.Bender, Matthew V. "BEING ‘CHAGGA’: NATURAL RESOURCES, POLITICAL ACTIVISM, AND IDENTITY ON KILIMANJARO." The Journal of African History, vol. 54, no. 2, 2013, pp. 199–220. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43305102. Accessed 11 Apr. 2023. The British called them chiefs as they were deemed subjects to the British crown, thereby rendered unequal. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, European travelers to Mount Kilimanjaro documented conversations with various Chagga kings regarding the origins of their clans. Notably, Karl Peters recorded information from Mangi Marealle of Marangu, who stated that the Wamarangu descended from Ukamba, the Wamoshi from the Usambara Mountains, and that the Wakibosho had always inhabited the mountain.
Some historical accounts suggest that certain Chagga clans may have origins linked to the Usambara and Kamba peoples. However, few modern mangis assert these connections, emphasizing their long-standing lineage as exclusively Chagga and rooted in Mount Kilimanjaro. Acknowledging other origins could undermine the Chagga's historical claim to the land, and early European interrogators may have oversimplified or led the responses they received.
Chagga histories reveal the origins of various clans, indicating whether they emerged locally or migrated from the plains. Much of the region, particularly the high forest, remains unexplored, including ancient shrines and sacred plants that may indicate the paths of early pygmies. Unexamined stone-wall enclosures in the upper chiefdoms (Mitaa) could provide further insights into Chagga history.
Additionally, wild olives on the northern side of Kilimanjaro may suggest previous habitation by the Chagga, as the area could regenerate with olive trees. It is possible that ancestors often said to have "come from the mountain" originally settled on the north side before moving to the south.
Language, customs, and housing styles in Chaggaland reveal insights into the region's history. The Kichagga language is rapidly evolving, with contemporary speakers finding older forms nearly "classical." While some areas retain distinctive dialects, such asnthe Ngasseni dialect, which is largely unintelligible to other Kichagga speakers, the influence of standardized dialects from Machame and Marangu is notable.
Distinct customs indicate clan origins, with practices like unique cursing stones and fire worship in the ancient chiefdoms of Samake, Nguni, and Kyuu in Siha Kingdom. Clan histories often detail the arrival of ancestors with various tools, reflecting their roles as hunters, blacksmiths, livestock keepers, or cultivators.
Cultural similarities across the central chiefdoms create unity, although differences emerge beyond the Weru Weru River and Mriti hills. Male Circumcision is common, and initiation rituals in the central zone involve tribal lore and secret symbols. Architectural styles vary, with distinct house designs east and west of the Weru Weru River.
Historically, many Chagga are believed to have originated in the northeastern region of the mountain, influenced by migrations from surrounding areas, including recently the Maasai, Pare, and as far as the Kikuyu. Additionally, movements from the south, including Shambaa and Zigua, contribute to the region's complex settlement history, with legends indicating various groups migrated towards Kilimanjaro from different directions.
The Kilindi, Koningo and Ongamo influence According to some Chagga origin legends, the Usambara Kilindi dynasty originated from the Nguu Mountains, are some of their ancestors. The coastal Wanika are believed to have migrated from Kilema to Rombo and then to the southern Kenyan coast, a journey detailed by von der Decken, linked to the rule of Munie Mkoma (Mangi Rongoma) of Kilema Kingdom.
Chagga oral traditions also mention pygmies, known as "Wakoningo," who crossed Kilimanjaro from east to west toward the Congo Basin. A story from the Uru describes visitors from the west seeking lumber for a mythical king, but the primary narrative involves the pygmies' migration. The Ongamo people significantly influenced Chagga culture by adopting later abandoned practices such as female circumcision and age sets rika. By the late 19th century, they were increasingly integrated into Chagga society, leading to the emergence of the deity "Ruwa," a blend of both cultures' beliefs.
Munie Mkoma of Pangani may have initiated a tradition, possibly as a Swahili leader, with later connections seen in Mangi Mamkinga of Machame's reliance on a resident Swahili living in his kingdom. These elements suggest that the Chagga's origins are more complex than those of the Taita, who claimed a simpler migration narrative.
Chagga religion Before Christianity and Islam took root in Kilimajanro during the 19th century, the Chagga faith centered on their supreme deity Ruwa and his power and assistance in their daily life. Ruwa is the Chagga name for him in Eastern and Central Kilimanjaro states of from usseri to Kibosho, while in the western states, especially Machame and Masama, the deity was referred to as Iruva. Both names are also Chagga words for the sun. Ruwa is not looked upon as the creator of humankind, but rather as a liberator and provider of sustenance. He is known for his mercy and tolerance when sought by his people.
Much of the Chagga lifestyle was shaped by their earth based and ancestral veneration based religious beliefs. Before the arrival of Christianity and Islam, the Chaga practiced a diverse range of faith with a thoroughgoing syncretism. The importance of ancestors is strongly maintained by them to this day. Ruwa resides on the top of Mount Kilimanjaro, which means the mountain is sacred to them. Parts of the high forest contain old shrines with masale plantings, the sacred Chagga plant.
Chagga religion and cosmology
In Chagga cosmology, the natural and supernatural realms are deeply interconnected, with all human activities viewed as having spiritual significance. Misfortunes can result from improper conduct, malevolent actions, or the ill-will of spirits, while good fortune must be coaxed from a universe inhabited by unpredictable ancestral spirits. Rituals are performed to appease these spirits, particularly Ruwa, the sun god, who resides in the sky. Unlike superior spirits, the spirits of deceased ancestors are more actively involved in human affairs, influencing their descendants. The ancestors of kings require propitiation on behalf of their entire kingdom, reflecting a belief system that intricately links the living with the spiritual world.Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
In Chagga cosmology, sexual reproduction is viewed as a fundamental force governing life and death. The harmonious combination of male and female is believed to create life, while improper unions are thought to lead to death. Notably, marriage and incest are seen as opposing forces of life and death, stemming from male-female interactions. The potent nature of sexuality is acknowledged, with Chagga cursing instruments often adorned with male and female sexual symbols, highlighting their dual capacity for creation and destruction.
To mitigate the dangers associated with sexual combinations, a degree of segregation between male and female elements is practiced. Additionally, adherence to a proper temporal sequence in life stages is crucial. Each individual is expected to follow a designated life cycle, progressing from youth to maturity, and eventually to death. For instance, once a child reaches the age of circumcision and is prepared for marriage, the parents are expected to cease procreation to prevent potential fatalities within the family.
Death occurring out of sequence, particularly among the young, is interpreted as a sign of foul play, indicating that the individual has died prematurely. A failure to produce offspring—either due to youth or infertility—is seen as a disruption of the ancestral lineage, severing the continuity between ancestors and descendants. Consequently, the bodies of childless individuals and infertile women are disposed of in the wilderness, rather than being buried in family graves, reflecting their perceived lack of connection to the ongoing cycle of life.
The most profound concern within this cosmology is the fear of dying without leaving descendants. A man without male heirs faces eternal extinction, as there would be no one to perform the necessary rituals to ensure his passage to the afterlife. Sterility symbolizes a form of perpetual death, raising existential questions about legacy and remembrance in the context of Chagga beliefs.
In Chagga cosmology, the cyclical renewal of life—encompassing humans, animals, plants, and natural cycles—depends on maintaining order through the principles of separation, combination, and sequence, particularly concerning male and female roles. Proper timing and combinations are essential to prevent chaos and disaster.