The Central All-Indonesian Workers Organization (, SOBSI) was the largest trade union federation in Indonesia.Glassburner, Bruce. The Economy of Indonesia: Selected Readings. Jakarta: Equinox Pub, 2007. p. 201 Founded during the period of the country's independence in the late 1940s, the federation grew rapidly in the 1950s. It was initially formed with loose connections to the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) and with members from other parties, but over time, the PKI became dominant in the organisation. With the introduction of President Sukarno's guided democracy in the late 1950s, SOBSI was formally recognised and given a place in the national decision-making structures. In the 1960s, SOBSI came into conflict with the Army, whose officers controlled the country's state enterprises. After the 1965 coup that subsequently produced Suharto's New Order regime, SOBSI was declared illegal, its members killed and imprisoned and most of the leadership executed.Hefner, Robert W. The Politics of Multiculturalism: Pluralism and Citizenship in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai'i Press, 2001. p. 270
History Founding SOBSI was founded in Jakarta on November 29, 1946,Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. xvi the first trade union federation to emerge after the Second World War.Glassburner, Bruce. The Economy of Indonesia: Selected Readings. Jakarta: Equinox Pub, 2007. p. 200 The workers' movement was subsequently reorganized, largely into the Central All-Indonesian Workers Organization (SOBSI), which called for the unity of workers and the establishment of a socialist society. After the suppression of the Madiun Affair, many of SOBSI's leaders went underground, into exile, were imprisoned or killed. From May 1948, the SOBSI was reorganized and brought under the influence of the Communist Party. Between 1950 and 1952, the SOBSI attempted to mobilize militant actions for higher wages, increased social security and better workplace conditions, launching a nationwide strike that forced the government to increase the minimum wage, block plans for layoffs and institute a non-contributory pension scheme. However, this was followed by the Natsir Cabinet outlawing strikes in essential industries, forcing the SOBSI to turn to sabotage. After another government crackdown, the Communist Party forced the SOBSI to moderate its policies, taking a conciliatory line towards the capitalist class.
With the introduction of Guided Democracy, the SOBSI became the institutionalized representative of labor within the Sukarno government. It oversaw nationalization efforts, continuing the running of companies under state control. These nationalizations drove SOBSI into a conflict with the armed forces, fighting for influence over the state controlled companies. This conflict culminated in the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66, in which the army massacred left-wing activists, feminists and ethnic and religious minorities, killing hundreds of thousands. The military leader Suharto rose to power, instituting a right-wing military dictatorship known as the New Order. The SOBSI was subsequently declared illegal by the new regime and many of its members and leaders were killed.
SOBSI held its first national congress in Malang on May 16–18, 1947. A constitution of the organization was adopted, which called for workers to unite and struggle for the creation of a socialist society. SOBSI was organized along industrial lines, but craft unions enjoyed equality within the organization. Amongst the sectors represented in SOBSI at the time of its foundation were teachers, printers, pawnshop employees, longshoremen, teamsters, miners, seamen, gas and electricity, oil workers, estate workers and railroad workers.
Around 600-800 delegates participated in the Malang congress. Most of them came from Java. One delegate represented the Indonesian Democratic Union from West Timor.Farram, S. Revolution, religion and magic; The PKI in West Timor, 1924-1966 Foreign guests at the Malang congress included two Australians, Ted Roach and Mike Healy, and two Dutch trade unionists, Blokzijl (of Eenheids Vakcentrale) and RKN Vijlbrief.Healy, Connie. Wolf, Charles. The Indonesian Story, the Birth, Growth and Structure of the Indonesian Republic. New York: J. Day, 1948. p. 85 J.G. Suurhof (of Nederlands Verbond van Vakvereenigingen) and Evert Kupers, in his capacity as the vice-chairperson of World Federation of Trade Union, were attending the congress as well. Rajkni Tomovic (Yugoslavia), Jean Lautissier (France) and Olga Tchetchekina (Russia) of the WFTU were also present."Recent Communist Activity in Indonesia", Archief van het Ministerie van Koloniën: Indisch Archief, Serie V, 1945-1950. The Hague: The Netherlands' National Archive
The top leadership of the new organization consisted of the chairman Harjono, the vice chairman Setiadjit (chairman of the Labour Party of Indonesia and second Deputy Prime Minister in the Sjarifuddin cabinet) and general secretary Njono.Swift, Ann. The road to Madiun: the Indonesian communist uprising of 1948. Cornell Modern Indonesia Project publications, 69. 1989. p. 26Wolf, Charles. The Indonesian Story, the Birth, Growth and Structure of the Indonesian Republic. New York: J. Day, 1948. p. 102
The Malang congress received significant attention from the Dutch press, both in the Netherlands and in Batavia. The Dutch press argued that the SOBSI congress indicated a strong communist influence in the Indonesian labour movement.Wolf, Charles. The Indonesian Story, the Birth, Growth and Structure of the Indonesian Republic. New York: J. Day, 1948. p. 84
After the formation of SOBSI, the GSBI trade union centre dissolved itself and its member unions joined SOBSI.Wolf, Charles. The Indonesian Story, the Birth, Growth and Structure of the Indonesian Republic. New York: J. Day, 1948. p. 68 SOBSI became a member of the Sajap Kiri coalition of left-wing groups. After Sajap Kiri was superseded by the short-lived People's Democratic Front, SOBSI joined the new front.Kahin, George McTurnan. Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia. Studies on Southeast Asia, 35. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 2003. p. 260Legge, J. D. Intellectuals and Nationalism in Indonesia: A Study of the Following Recruited by Sutan Sjahrir in Occupied Jakarta. Jakarta: Equinox Publishing, 2010. p. 159
Madiun Affair Until the Madiun Affair, a communist uprising in September 1948, SOBSI was the sole relevant trade union force in the country.Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. 153 When the uprising broke out in the town of Madiun, several of the communist SOBSI leaders went underground. Many SOBSI leaders were killed or went into exile when the revolt was subsequently crushed. The SOBSI chairman Harjono and Sarbupri (estate workers union, the largest SOBSI union) chairman Maruto Darusman were imprisoned after the uprising and were killed by the Indonesian army in December 1948, as Dutch troops approached the prison site. SOBSI operations were shut down by the army.Swift, Ann. The road to Madiun: the Indonesian communist uprising of 1948. Cornell Modern Indonesia Project publications, 69. 1989. p. 126 Nineteen out of 34 affiliated unions withdrew from SOBSI in protest against the role played by communist leaders in the rebellion. SOBSI was however not formally outlawed, as the organization as such had not supported the uprising.Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. pp. 21, 133
Re-establishment Trade unions temporarily stopped to function during the Dutch attack in December 1948. From May 1948 work began to reorganize SOBSI.Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. 133 SOBSI was re-established in September 1949. The new leadership was clearly dominated by the Communist Party. The acting chairman of SOBSI, Asrarudin, left the organization in protest against the communist dominance. In November 1949, SOBSI launched a campaign against the Round Table Conference agreement. The organization also called for a Lebaran festival bonus to be instituted. These demands became widely popular, and the organization rapidly expanded its base. By mid-1950 SOBSI had twenty-five vertical unions as well as many local affiliated unions. It claimed a membership of 2.5 million (although that figure was questioned by outsiders). In November 1950 Njono, then 28 years old, returned from a prolonged study trip to China and overtook the leadership of SOBSI as its chairman.Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. 134
Notably, whilst no longer holding monopoly over the trade union sector, SOBSI was far better organized and financed than its rivals. Moreover, the SOBSI leadership had more experience than that of other unions. Non-SOBSI unions tended to have either a defensive approach towards SOBSI or merely mimicking SOBSI discourse.Feith, Herbert. The Wilopo Cabinet, 1952-1953: A Turning Point in Post-Revolutionary Indonesia. Ithaca, N.Y.: Modern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Dept. of Far Eastern Studies, Cornell University, 1958. p. 50
Militant period Between 1950 and early 1952, SOBSI attempted to mobilize militant actions, raising issues such as wages, social security and workplace conditions. SOBSI launched a wave of strikes in late 1950. In September 1950 Sarbupri launched a nationwide strike, which paralyzed most estates. The Sarbupri strike resulted in the first major victory for SOBSI, having forced the government to significantly increase the estate workers' minimum wage. Strikes by oil workers in the same year blocked plans for lay-offs and forces the government to institute a non-contributory pension scheme instead.Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. 148 In response to the SOBSI strike wave several regional commanders of the army outlawed strikes in essential industries. The policy was by the Natsir cabinet in February 1951. Following the issue of the ban, SOBSI turned to sporadic strikes and sabotage actions (such as destroying cargo at ports or crops at plantations).Trager, Frank N (ed.). Marxism in Southeast Asia; A Study of Four Countries. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1959. p. 341
In September 1951 an emergency law substituted the ban on strikes in vital industries, which stipulated mandatory arbitration (which SOBSI initially opposed)Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. 49Hindley, Donald. The Communist Party of Indonesia, 1951-1963. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. p. 147 In August 1951 around 3,000 SOBSI activists and leaders were imprisoned in a government crackdown on opposition, in the wake of speculations about a possible leftist coup d'état. However, relatively few SOBSI branches and unions mobilized protests against the arrests.
National United Front line On March 1, 1952, the PKI Central Committee adopted a resolution labelling the activities of SOBSI as 'sectarian'. The PKI instructed SOBSI to align with the national united front line of the party; that SOBSI should seek cooperation with non-communist trade unions and mobilize the broadest section of workers.