Criticism of Twelver Shia Islam dates from the initial ideological rift among early Muslims that led to the two primary denominations of Islam, the Sunnis and the Shias. The question of succession to Muhammad, the nature of the Imamate, the status of the twelfth Shia Imam, and other areas in which Twelver Shia Islam differs from Sunni Islam have been subjects of criticism by Sunni scholars, even though there is broad agreement between the two traditions regarding the centrality of the Quran, Muhammad, and many doctrinal, theological, and ritual matters.
Sunni criticism has historically focused on several key areas: the Twelver doctrine of the occultation of the twelfth Imam, the theological status and infallibility of the Imams, the practice of Taqiyya (concealment of faith under duress), the permissibility of Nikah mut'ah (temporary marriage), mourning rituals associated with Ashura and the Battle of Karbala, and alleged disrespect toward companions of Muhammad revered by Sunnis. Some of these criticisms reflect genuine theological disagreements rooted in differing interpretations of Islamic sources, while others have been identified by scholars as misrepresentations of mainstream Twelver doctrine or as polemical arguments specific to Salafi and Wahhabi theological currents rather than representative of broader Sunni scholarly opinion.
Twelver Shia Islam has its own internal tradition of reform and self-criticism. Shia commentators such as Musa al-Musawi and Ali Shariati have, in their attempts to reform the faith, criticized practices and beliefs prevalent in the Twelver Shia community. Twelver Shia theology is also discussed in this article in its own terms, including foundational doctrines such as Nur-e-Muhammad, Ismah (infallibility of the Imams), Tawassul (intercession), and the principle of Amr Bayn al-Amrayn (a theological middle ground between absolute determinism and absolute free will), which are essential context for evaluating the criticisms raised.
Image veneration
Sunnis are particularly critical of the "love of visual imagery evident in Shia popular devotionalism" and regularly cite this characteristic (often referred to as 'Shi'ite iconography') as proof of Shia deviance or heresy.
Twelver Shia theologians respond to this criticism through the doctrine of Tawassul (intercession), which holds that venerating images or visiting shrines of Muhammad, the Imams, and pious figures is not worship of those figures but rather a means of drawing closer to Allah through those whom He has honoured. In Twelver theology, the distinction between ibadah (worship, which belongs to Allah alone) and tawassul (seeking nearness to Allah through intermediaries) is fundamental, and Shia scholars argue that conflating the two reflects a misunderstanding of the theology underlying Shia devotional practice. The display of images of the Imams in Shia homes and public spaces is understood within this framework as an expression of love (mahabbah) for the Ahl al-Bayt, which the Quran itself identifies as the recompense asked by Muhammad for his mission. The criticism of visual imagery as inherently idolatrous reflects a specifically Salafi and Wahhabi theological position; traditional Sunni schools of law have historically held more varied positions on the permissibility of images, and the blanket equation of Shia iconography with idol worship is not representative of all Sunni scholarly opinion.
Occultation
In the tradition of Twelver Shia Islam, the twelfth and final Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi, who is also considered by Twelver Shia to be the prophesied redeemer of Islam known as the Mahdi, went into ghaybah ("occultation") in 873 CE. However, this belief has long been criticized by Sunni scholars who "often speculate that the twelfth Imam never existed, but was a myth designed to keep the Shia cause alive."The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security, by Chris Seiple, Dennis R. Hoover, Pauletta Otis, 2012, page 60 According to Western scholar Robert Gleave, the doctrine of the 12th Imam's occultation emerged as the most theologically coherent explanation following the death of the 11th Imam, al-Hasan al-Askari, when alternative theories about the succession were not widely accepted. This belief subsequently became a foundational aspect of Twelver Shia orthodoxy.A Companion To The History Of The Middle East, edited by Youssef M. Choueiri, page 93 According to Bernard Lewis, the concept of the Imam's occultation and eventual return became a defining doctrine in Shia Islam after the suppression of various uprisings and the mysterious disappearances of their leaders. Over time, with each leader who vanished without returning, the belief in the Imam's concealment and promised return became increasingly detailed and integral to Shia thought.Islam and the West, by Bernard Lewis, 1993, page 163
In a hadith upon whose authenticity Shias and Sunnis agree, Muhammad had said, "If there were to remain in the life of the world but one day, God would prolong that day until He sends in it a man from my community and my household. His name will be the same as my name. He will fill the earth with equity and justice as it was filled with oppression and tyranny." However, the majority of Sunnis do not consider the son of eleventh Imam as the promised Mahdi. Shias claim the only possible occasion that the son of eleventh Imam is said to have made a public appearance was at the time of his father's death to lead his funeral prayer, then as a child the boy was seen no more. His birth, Shia says, like the case of the prophet Moses, was concealed due to the difficulties of the time, and because of the belief that he was the promised Mahdi, the caliphs of the time had decided definitely to put an end to the Imamate in Shi'ism once and for all.
Nikah mut'ah Nikah mut'ah (lit. "pleasure marriage"), is a fixed-term marriage sometimes practiced in Twelver Shia Islam. The duration of this type of marriage is fixed at its inception and is then automatically dissolved upon completion of its term. For this reason, nikah mut'ah has been widely criticised as the religious cover and legalization of prostitution.Iran talks up temporary marriages, by Frances Harrison, BBC News, Last Updated: 2 June 2007.Temporary 'Enjoyment Marriages' In Vogue Again With Some Iraqis, by Nancy Trejos, The Washington Post, 20 January 2007.Law of desire: temporary marriage in Shi'i Iran, by Shahla Haeri, pg.6.Islam: a very short introduction, by Malise Ruthven. Western writers like Zeyno Baran and Elena AndreevaAndreeva, Elena (2007). Russia and Iran in the great game: travelogues and Orientalism. Routledge studies in Middle Eastern history. 8. Psychology Press. pp. 162–163. . have written that this kind of marriage is indistinguishable from prostitution. According to Shahla Haeri, before the 1979 revolution, the secular Iranian middle classes viewed temporary marriage as a form of prostitution legitimized by the religious establishment, describing it as having been given a 'religious cover.'Haeri, Shahla (1989). Law of desire: temporary marriage in Shi'i Iran. Contemporary issues in the Middle East. Syracuse University Press. p. x. .
Mainstream Sunni jurisprudence holds that Muhammad definitively prohibited mut'ah during his lifetime, with the prohibition most commonly cited as occurring at the Battle of Khaybar or the Conquest of Mecca, and all four Sunni schools of law (Madhabs) consider it forbidden. Shias maintain that it was in fact banned by Umar ibn Khattab, the second caliph, acting without prophetic authority, and view mut'ah as a valid practice with Quranic sanction. Shia scholars consider it a safeguard against prostitution in situations where permanent marriage is not feasible, arguing that the legal structures surrounding mut'ah — including iddah, legitimacy of children, and inheritance rights — fundamentally distinguish it from prostitution.
Shia have systematically contested the criticism that it is a cover for prostitution, and argue their rationales regarding the legal uniqueness of temporary marriage, which distinguishes Mut'ah ideologically from prostitution. Children born of temporary marriages are considered legitimate, and have equal status in law with their siblings born of permanent marriages, and do inherit from both parents. The bride must not be married, she must attain the permission of her wali if she has never been married before, she must be Muslim or belong to Ahl al-Kitab (People of the Book), she should be chaste, must not be a known adulterer, and she can only independently do this if she is Islamically a non-virgin or she has no wali (Islamic legal guardian). At the end of the contract, the marriage ends and the wife must undergo iddah, a period of abstinence from marriage (and thus, sexual intercourse). The iddah is intended to give paternal certainty to any children should the wife become pregnant during the temporary marriage contract. Some Shia scholars also view Mut'ah as a means of eradicating prostitution from society.Said Amir Arjomand (1984), From nationalism to revolutionary Islam, page 171
Taqiyya (dissimulation)
Taqiyya is a Shi'ite practice under which it is permissible to hide one's faith in order to preserve one's life or safety. The Shia have been criticised for this practice, an act deemed against the virtues of bravery and courage.Muḥammad Ḥusayn Ṭabāṭabāʼī, Muhammad H. Al-Tabataba'i. Shiʻite Islam. Issue 5 of The Persian studies series. SUNY Press, 1977. , . Pg 227 Critics argue that the Twelvers have taken dissimulation far beyond life-threatening situations and have allowed its use in any scenario that is judged to benefit the continuation or propagation of the Twelver creed, as is emphasized by the reputed saying attributed to the 6th Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq, "[t]aqiyyah is my religion and the religion of my forefathers". Another saying frequently cited by critics, attributed to Imam al-Sadiq in Kitab al-Kafi, states that "nine tenths of faith is taqiyya." Shia hadith scholars have noted that this narration's chain of transmission (isnad) is weak and its interpretation contested even within Shia scholarly tradition; mainstream Twelver jurisprudence does not derive from it a license for unrestricted dissimulation, and leading marjas have consistently defined taqiyya's permissible scope narrowly as applying to situations of genuine danger to life, property, or communal safety. The practice is widely criticized by Sunni Muslims as indicative of the problems that they face when interacting with Shi'ites. According to Patricia Crone, Twelvers even extended the use of taqiyya "to protect their secret wisdom from exposure to the uncomprehending masses (including their own co-religionists), who might pervert it or denounce it as heretical." This view has been supported by Faysal Noor in his book Taqiyyah: The Other Face. Such a doctrine became important where Shi'a communities lived under oppression and were stigmatised under Sunni authority in areas where Sunnis were the majority. The practice of concealing one's beliefs in dangerous circumstances originates in the Qur'an, which deems blameless those who disguise their beliefs in such cases. The practice of taqiyya in difficult circumstances is considered legitimate by Muslims of various sects. Sunni and Shia commentators alike observe that verse refers to the case of 'Ammar b. Yasir, who was forced to renounce his beliefs under physical duress and torture. This practice was emphasized in Shia Islam whereby adherents may conceal their religion when they are under threat, persecution, or compulsion."Taqiyah". Oxford Dictionary of Islam. John L. Esposito, Ed. Oxford University Press. 2003. Retrieved 25 May 2011. Taqiyya was developed to protect Shia who were usually in a minority and under pressure.