Expectation states theory is a social psychological theory first proposed by Joseph Berger and his colleagues that explains how expected competence forms the basis for status hierarchies in small groups. The theory's best known branch, status characteristics theory, deals with the role that certain pieces of social information (e.g., race, gender, and specific abilities) play in organizing these hierarchies. More recently, sociologist Cecilia Ridgeway has utilized the theory to explain how beliefs about status become attached to different social groups and the implications this has for social inequality.
Basic concepts Scope The theory attempts to explain: "When a task-oriented group is differentiated with respect to some external status characteristic, this status difference determines the observable power and prestige within the group whether or not the external status characteristic is related to the group task". In other words, the theory attempts to explain how hierarchies are created in small group interactions (with a shared goal) based on status cues. Specifically, this theory explains unequal distribution of participation, influence, and prestige between members of the group. This theory has implications for macro- and population-level hierarchy and inequality between groups.
In general, expectation states theory is meant to explain the way that interpersonal status hierarchies work. "Interpersonal status hierarchies" refers to the emergence of differential levels of social esteem and influence that occurs when groups of people interact. Research has found that several factors may influence the ways that status hierarchies emerge; however, the driving force seems to be implicit assumptions that group members hold about each other members' level of ability for completing the task at hand. Expectation states theory originated in the sociology literature and started with observations about differences in participation, influence, and prestige across members small groups, and these differences varied as a function of status characteristics.
The primary goal of expectation state theory as applied to gender is to explain how observed differences between social groups become the basis for inequality in everyday social encounters. While expectation states theory describes the development of status beliefs broadly, and can be applied to the study of any social groups, it is most commonly used to examine and explain inequality as it relates to gender.
Forebears In general, expectation states theory is meant to explain the way that interpersonal status hierarchies work (Berger et al., 1972). "Interpersonal status hierarchies" refers to the emergence of differential levels of social esteem and influence that occurs when groups of people interact. Research has found that several factors may influence the ways that status hierarchies emerge; however, the driving force seems to be implicit assumptions that group members hold about each other members' level of ability for completing the task at hand. Expectation states theory originated in the sociology literature and started with observations about differences in participation, influence, and prestige across members small groups, and these differences varied as a function of status characteristics.
Ridgeway (2011) also draws on status construction theory which states that as various groups (e.g. men and women) interact with each other over time, status hierarchies will often cause one group to be seen as more competent than the other. If this effect is repeated over time, the group with the higher status hierarchy will become more influential and the group with the lower status hierarchy will be more likely to give in to what the higher status group wants.
There are two types of status characteristics in status characteristics theory. (1) Diffuse status characteristics operates in a culture if (a) one state (i.e., male) is valued more than the other, and (b) that state is expected to be more competent at specific tasks, and (c) they are expected to generally be more competent at a wide variety of tasks. (2) Specific status characteristics do not have the third requirement (i.e., men are generally better than women at wide range of tasks; Berger et al., 1977).
Aspects of expectation state theory also draw on reward expectations theory which focuses on how status characteristics, abilities, and task accomplishment are related to expectations for rewards (Berger, Fiske, Norman, & Wagner, 1985). Reward expectations theory suggests that individuals who receive greater rewards are expected to be more competent than group members who do not receive high level of rewards.
Basic assumptions Berger et al., (1972) identify the following assumptions:
Assumption 1. (Activation) Given a situation, if a diffuse status characteristic in a task situation is a social basis of discrimination between p' (persons) and o (other) then the diffuse status characteristic is activated in the task situation.
Assumption 2. (Burden of proof) If diffuse status characteristic is activated in the task situation and has not been previously dissociated from a characteristic predictive of success, and if there is no other social basis of discrimination between p' and o, then at least one consistent component of diffuse status characteristic will become relevant to characteristic predictive of success in task situation.
Assumption 3. (Assignment) If any components of an activated diffuse status characteristic are relevant to characteristic predictive of success, p will assign states of characteristic predictive of success to self and other in a consistent manner.
Assumption 4. (Basic Expectation Assumption) If p assigns states of characteristic predictive of success to himself/herself and o consistent with the states of an activated diffuse status characteristic, then p's position relative to o in the observable power and prestige order will be a direct function of p's expectation advantage over o.
In addition to the assumptions identified by Berger et al. (1972), there are implicit assumptions inherent in expectation state theory. First, that men and women see their gender differences as salient. This is something that could differ based on the task that the group is working on (or what their common goal is), their cultural norms (are they more liberal or more conservative) may be more relevant than if they were working on a less gendered task (e.g., a, and even how strongly members themselves identify with their gender norms. If men and women are working on a highly gendered task (for example, a marketing team working on an advertising campaign for lipstick), expectation states then advertising campaign for flu vaccinations). Similarly, expectation states theory may be less relevant when referring to a group of individuals who do not conform to gender norms versus those that do.
Expectation states theory makes a number of unique assumptions in accounting for gender inequality. First, barriers to women's advancement to upper-level positions of authority are due to gender's status element, rather than something inherent to gender itself. Inequality is thus due to basic evaluative assumptions about women's competence as opposed to that of men. Therefore, the predictions expectation states theory makes about inequality are the same for any two groups about which evaluative assumptions can be made about one group as compared to the other. The theory can therefore account for not only gender inequality, but also racial and other types of inequality.
A second and related assumption is that all status assumptions resulting in inequality associate the advantaged group with higher levels of skill or resources (Webster & Foshci, 1988). In other words, status beliefs imply not only group differences but also group inequality. With regards to gender, status beliefs hold men to have higher levels of instrumental competence (Eagly & Mladinic, 1994).
Third, expectation states theory makes no assumptions regarding gender differences in individual ability to lead or achieve high levels of success. Thus, expectation states theory grounds hierarchical inequality in the sex categories themselves rather than individual strength, competence, or lactation status.
Finally, expectation states theory assumes that gender status beliefs affect performance expectations (and therefore result in inequality) only when gender is salient to the situation/task at hand. Thus, gender inequality will typically not surface except in mixed-sex groups, particularly if they are working on a task that is relevant to stereotypical gendered competence.
Related theories The predictions made by expectation states theory are in many ways similar to those made by Eagly's Social-Role Theory. The key distinguishing feature of expectation states theory is that it is able not only to make predictions about the extent to which particular inequalities are due not only to gender but also to other status relevant differences.
A second related theory is Glick and Fiske's (1999) theory of stereotype content. These theories make similar predictions about how gender inequality is most likely to surface in contexts of cooperative interdependence and the "prescriptive element" of gender beliefs. However, the distinguishing feature here is that Expectation States Theory holds this prescriptive element to relate not only to gender but to any group distinction that may foster inequality.
Locations and contexts of application Close relationships: Families and dyads In families or other close relationships, an individual's legitimate expertise would be recognized, which might help with implicit attributions based on gender. However, status hierarchy and expectation states theory may also influence close relationships, particularly if the situation is new or unusual. Status beliefs may also operate within the couple/family in public more than when they are in private since people may act in accordance with how they think others will perceive them. Overall, whether expectations state theory operates within close relationships might depend on how egalitarian the views of the individuals in the family are. For example, a highly egalitarian couple would relate to each other based on their legitimate experience. A less egalitarian couple may fall into "traditional" husband and wife roles because their status beliefs may serve as a crutch for how to act in their new and unfamiliar situation.
School, work, other legal/formalized social institutions This is what expectation state theory focuses on (gender and status hierarchies in the workplace). Expectation states is based on how group interactions are influenced by implicit status characteristics. If someone holds legitimate expertise, she may be able to overcome the negative attributions associated with her gender, but this may not always be the case.
Culture broadly defined, including popular culture, media Expectation states theory emerges based on cultural stereotypes and status beliefs. Therefore, it is more that culture influences expectation states/status hierarchy and not the other way around. Although, there is that self-fulfilling prophecy aspect of expectation states, so perhaps it is cyclical in the lens of culture as a whole as well.
Formation of status beliefs At the heart of expectation states theory is the concept of status beliefs. Status beliefs are defined as "widely held cultural beliefs that link greater social significance and general competence, as well as specific positive and negative skills, with one category of a social distinction compared to another".