Ramón Buenaventura Báez Méndez (July 14, 1812 – March 14, 1884) was a Dominican conservative politician and military figure. Known for having served as president of the Dominican Republic on five occasions, his rule was characterized by corruption and governing for the benefit of his personal fortune.
Born in the community of Rincón, today Cabral, into a wealthy family, at a very early age he was sent to France to be educated. Precisely because of his education, much higher than average, Buenaventura Báez was able to carve out a leadership from a young age that allowed him to be appointed as a deputy in the Haitian Congress, a position he held in 1843, when the Reform Revolution took place. From this position he began his work aimed at obtaining a protectorate from some foreign power, whether it was France, the United States, or any other.
Having achieved independence from Haiti in 1844, he was president of the brand new Dominican Republic on five occasions, a position in which he had some achievements, such as the founding of the first secondary school in the country, Colegio San Buenaventura; But, in general terms, Báez ruled dictatorially, orchestrating murders, engaging in political schemes, and alternating his first three terms. In 1861, he opposed annexation to Spain because the person promoting it was his longtime political enemy, Pedro Santana; However, after a few months, Báez managed and obtained the rank of marshal of the Spanish Army, with the intention of achieving the governorship of the overseas province that the country had become, which he did not achieve. Shortly after the Dominican Restoration War, the Dominican Republic regained its independence.
Since his return to power in the late 1860s, he attempted to negotiate another annexationist deal with the United States, under Ulysses S. Grant. However, the country was not annexed to the United States due to the opposition of Gregorio Luperón, who fought it on all fronts, supported by José María Cabral, and because the United States Congress rejected the offer, despite the fact that Báez had the measure approved in a plebiscite. With the failure of the project, as well as his definitive fall from power in the late 1870s, he died in Hormigueros, Puerto Rico, in 1884. His remains were repatriated in 1914, under the government of his son Ramón Báez.
Early years and family Báez was born on July 14, 1812, in Rincón (now Cabral) in the Captaincy General of Santo Domingo during the years of España Boba. He was raised in his father's hometown of Azua. Báez was the son of Pablo Altagracia Báez and Teresa de Jesús Méndez.
His father Pablo, a wealthy merchant from Azua, was left in an orphanage when he was born, as he was the result of an extramarital affair between Josefa Morales de Firpo (a married Spanish woman) and priest and author, the mulatto Father Antonio Sánchez-Valverde. Pablo was raised by a French silversmith (a factor that generated a deep francophilia in both Pablo and Buenaventura) known as Monsieur Capellier, and became a wealthy businessman, slaveholder and politician. Teresa de Jesús Méndez was a mixed-race former slave from Rincón. She was born to a slave and a master, and was sold to Pablo Altagracia Báez, who freed her to take her as his mistress when his wife María Quezada told him to do so when realized that she was infertile herself; Pablo and Teresa had seven children.
Báez was light-haired and blue-eyed like his father, but had curly hair and was somewhat swarthy, earning the nickname of Jabao. Cultured and good-looking, Báez was very popular among women, especially because of his gallantry. Eager to build a bright future for his first-born son, Pablo Báez sent him to study in England. Buenaventura Báez did not pursue formal university studies, but from a young age he stood out for his attention to culture.
In the European continent, he learned various languages, including English and French.
Until the end of his life, he was a voracious reader, which allowed him to learn about the main social and political theories and be aware of the evolution of international processes. His prolonged stay in Europe placed him above the cultural average of young people from the ruling social sector, at a time when there were no higher education institutions. His father's wealth and talent facilitated an early foray into Haitian politics as a representative of the Azua region. In addition to his love for politics, Báez showed interest in business, like his father. In the early days of his adult life, before devoting himself fully to the struggle for power, he helped his father increase the family's wealth. When his father died in 1841, Báez, aged 29, inherited a large fortune that he used assiduously in politics, becoming elected in 1843 deputy to the Haitian Constituent Assembly.
Independence conspiracy
As a deputy of Azua
At the beginning of 1843, an armed movement that was called the Reform broke out in Les Cayes, the third-largest city in Haiti, and the nucleus of the liberal mulatto sector. President Jean Pierre Boyer, who had ruled as an autocrat since 1818, soon had to abdicate. Those who overthrew Boyer in theory intended to establish a democratic regime, for which they convened a constituent assembly, which met during the second half of 1843 and approved a new constitution that replaced the one of 1816. Thanks to his gifts and influence, Báez was elected representative of Azua to the constituent assembly. His public life began there. He gained a place in the political world with proposals that attracted attention and positioned him as a representative figure of the interests of the Dominican ruling sectors.
As a deputy, Báez led a faction of Dominicans that tried, but failed, to remove the anti-white bias in the Haitian Constitution. Báez presented on that occasion a proposal to repeal the constitutional clause that stipulated that no white person could own property in Haitian territory. He argued that this prevented the entry of capital and immigrants from other countries, which were essential for economic progress. It can be seen that the germ of what would always be the central component in Báez's concerns: that the country would enter a path of progress similar to that followed by the countries of Western Europe and the United States. The counterpart to this conception consisted of the conviction that the country lacked the means to achieve progress on its own, so it was obliged to seek the protection of a great power or, if feasible, integrate as part of it.
Independence conspiracy
Báez was, at first, completely and totally against any move to leave the union with Haiti. Then, on December 15, 1843, Báez, as leader of the Dominican legislative faction, proposed to French consul Auguste Levasseur to establish a French protectorate in the Spanish-speaking side of the island with a governor appointed by Paris, in exchange for guns and warships to compel or fight Port-au-Prince for a retreat. The diplomat proposed a plan so that the Dominican Republic would be governed by a French governor for a period of 10 years, with the possibility of extensions; it would donate the Samaná Peninsula to France, and would be willing to collaborate in the event that France launched a war to reconquer Haiti. The proposal, although confidential in nature, was called the Levasseur Plan, and was welcomed by the Dominican representatives in the Haitian capital, from which the adjective "Frenchified" originated. The French consul, without authorization from his government, conceived this plan as the first step towards Haiti becoming a French colony again. Dominican conservatives saw the opportunity to free themselves from Haitian domination and obtain the help of a power to take off towards progress.
Consul Levasseur was very well disposed and constantly exchanged correspondence between Paris and the conspirators. They considered that Haitian rule placed them in a subordinate situation that prevented them from developing business and, in general, developing their interests. The sentiment was taking shape largely because the Dominican economy was experiencing a certain dynamism, while the Haitian economy remained stagnant.
Upon learning of the efforts of the Trinitarios, at the beginning of 1844, Báez, who had good relations with Haitian officials, denounced Gabino Puello, brother of José Joaquín Puello, when he arrived in Azua with the January 16 manifesto. Puello escaped capture by the warning given to him by the future general Valentín Alcántara. As the proclamation of independence on February 27 clashed with his political plans, Báez tried to oppose it in Azua, which led to his arrest and sent to Santo Domingo. He tried futilely to prevent the publication of a copy of the Dominican Act of Independence in Azua, and, in February, did not allow the flag of the newly Dominican state to be raised in the city plaza; in part, he was very pessimistic due to the numerical superiority of Haitians and thought that a rebellion against Port-au-Prince with no foreign support was futile. Báez and the other French supporters launched a manifesto – the text of which has been lost – on January 1, 1844, through which they called for the founding of the Dominican Republic under the protection of France. The progression of the work of Báez's group was what pushed the Trinitarios, led by Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, to establish an alliance with a sector of the conservatives headed by Tomás Bobadilla. Together they wrote the January 16 manifesto, which also called for the constitution of the Dominican Republic, but as a sovereign state. He changed his mind once he saw the popular fervor and decided that the time had come to part ways with Port-au-Prince.
A few days later, he was released and returned to Azua with the expeditionary force, alongside his leader Pedro Santana, with whom he established good relations. Using his powers as general-in-chief of the Southern Front, Santana appointed Báez to the rank of colonel, and as such he was close to the events that culminated in the Battle of Azua. Once the campaign was over, Báez found that the Haitian troops, when they captured and burned Azua, caused the destruction of much of his family's wealth. In the following years, Báez's political prominence would bring him considerable losses of his assets. Santana and Báez agreed on the convenience of seeking French protection, both convinced that the country lacked the resources to face the Haitian military threat. When the Trinitarios dismissed the conservatives from the Central Government Board – the provisional collegiate government established on 27 February – Báez was one of those who had to hide and requested asylum at the French consulate. During the first years after independence, despite his ability, Báez was a background figure, possibly because he remained in the minds of many who had tried to oppose the birth of the Republic. Some versions later propagated by his enemies confirmed details of the denunciation of the conspiracy led by the Trinitarios. Although Santana considered him one of his own, it seems that in those years he kept him at a certain distance, perhaps considering him as an individual with too much personal independence.
Constitution of 1844