The Atyap (Tyap: A̱tyap, singular: A̱tyotyap; exonyms: Jju: Ba̱tyap; Hausa: Kataf, Katab) are an ethnic group found majorly in Zangon-Kataf, Kaura and Jema'a Local Government Areas of southern Kaduna State and Riyom of Plateau State, Nigeria. They speak the Tyap language, one of the Central Plateau languages.
Origins
Archeoloɡical material evidence
The Atyap occupy part of the Nok cultural complex in the upper Kaduna River valley, famous for its terra-cotta figurines.
Several iron smeltinɡ sites have been located in Atyap area. Most of these were found in the area of Gan and nearby settlements. The remains include slag, tuyeres and furnaces. In two sites in the Ayid-ma-pama (Tyap: A̱yit Mapama) on the banks of the Sancinyiriyan stream and banks of Chen Fwuam at Atabad Atanyeanɡ (Tyap: A̱ta̱bat A̱ta̱nyeang) the slaɡ and tuyeres remains were particularly abundant in hiɡh heaps. This cateɡory of information is complemented by shallow caves and the rock shelter at Bakunkunɡ Afanɡ (9°55'N, 8°10'E) and Tswoɡ Fwuam (9°51'N, 8°22'E) at Gan and Atabad-Atanyieang, respectively. The same study reveals several iron ore mining pits (9°58.5'N, 8°17, 85'E). More such pits have been identified in later search, suggesting that iron ore mining was intensive in the area.
Linguistic evidence
Achi (2005) states that the Atyap speak a language in the Kwa group of the Benue-Congo language family. Furthermore, according to Achi et al. (2019), the Kataf Group (an old classification) to which Tyap language belongs, is a member of the eastern Plateau. He went further to suggest that by using a glotochronological time scales established for Yoruba and Edo languages and their neighbours, the separation of the Kataf Group into distinguishable dialects and dialect clusters would require thousands of years. Also mentioned was that, 'Between Igala and Yoruba language, for example, at least 2,000 years were required to develop the distinction, while 6,000 years were needed for the differences observable in a comparison of Idoma and Yoruba language clusters', noting that this indicates that 'even within dialect clusters, a period of up to 2,000 years was needed to create clearly identifiable dialect separation and that it is thus a slow process of steady population growth and expansion and cultural differentiation over thousands of years'.
The implication for Tyap is that it has taken thousands of years to separate, in the same general geographical location from its six or so most closely related dialects. As a sub-unit they required probably more thousands of years earlier to separate from other members of the Kataf group like Gyong, Hyam, Duya and Ashe (Koro) who are little intelligible to them. The stability of language and other culture traits in this region of Nigeria has been recognized.
It is therefore persuasive to take as granted, long antiquity of cultural interaction and emergence of specific dialects in the Kataf language region. It means that Tyap had long become a clearly identifiable language with a distinguishable material culture and social organisation personality long before the time the British took over control of the Atyap early in the 20th century. This personality was bequeathed down from one generation of ancestors to another until it reached the most recent descendants.
Other evidence
The Atyap call themselves 'Atyap' and are so known and addressed by their immediate neighbouring groups like Asholyio (or Morwa), Agworok (or Kagoro), Atyecarak (or Kachechere), Atakat (or Attaka, Attakar), Ham (or Jaba), Gwong (or Kagoma), Adara (or Kadara), Akoro (or Koro), Bajju (or Kaje), Anghan (or Kamantan), Fantswam (or Kafanchan), Afo, Afizere, Atsam (or Chawai) and Rukuba, together with the Atyap, form part of the Eastern Plateau group of languages of the Benue-Congo language family.
But who are the Atyap and what is their origin? The problem of identifying the original homelands of Nigerian people has been a difficult one to solve. Apart from the existence of a variety of versions of the tradition of origin which contradict one another, there has been the tendency by many groups to claim areas outside Africa as their centres of origin. This is true of the Atyap to an extent. Movements were undertaken under clan leaders and in small parties at night to avoid detection.
The tradition is unknown to most Atyap elders. This is partly why it is not found in most of the writings of colonial ethnographic and anthropological authors who wrote on the Atyap people. Though these colonial officers could not have recorded all existing versions of the people's tradition, nevertheless, most of the versions recorded by then show remarkable similarities with those recounted by the elders today. The authenticity of the northern origin is therefore questionable.
It is not denied that some people moved from Hausaland into the area occupied by the Atyap before the Nineteenth century. The consolidation of Zangon Katab by 1750 A.D. essentially inhabited by the Hausa, is a clear case of pre-nineteenth century immigrations and interactions. It was however in the nineteenth century as a result of over-taxation, slave raids and the imposition of corvee labour on people under the influence of the Sarakuna of Hausaland, which led to increased migrations as a form of protest. It is most likely that the traditions of Atyap migration from the north to avoid slavery and taxation is a folk memory of these late nineteenth-century movements. But migration of individuals and groups of people should not be confused with migration of a whole Atyap people.
Subgroups and clans
The Atyap sub-groups consists of a group of seven or eight ethnic groups namely: Agworog, Asholyio, Atyap proper, Atyecharak, Atyuku, Fantswam and Takad. The Bajju are considered as a part of this group due to their cultural and linguistic similarities, although each of these groups consider itself independent of the Atyap ethnic identity.
In terms of clans, each of the subgroups has its clans and subclans. The Agworog have two main clans: Ankwai and Kpashang. The Asholyio have four: Neabwaat, Nelutswe, Neswe and Nezam. The Atyap proper have four main clans: Agbaat, Aminyam, Aku and Ashokwa. The Fantswam have six: Manyii, Takau, Takum, Zakhwo, Zibyin and Zikpak.
History Prehistoric era It has already been established earlier that the Atyap occupy a part of the Nok culture area, whose civilization spanned c. 1500 BC to c. 500 AD, with many archeological discoveries found scattered within and around Atyap land.
Barter trade era – 18th century Long before the introduction of currencies into the area, the Atyap people practiced barter trade up until the mid-18th century when the Hausa traders began passing across Atyap land, importing swords, bangles and necklaces and the Zangon Katab market developed (a few miles from the Atyap traditional ground or capital at A̱tyekum – the area known to the Atyap as Maba̱ta̱do also spelt Mabarado was located around Atyekum, and it used to be a meeting place where the Atyap elders gathered to make deliberations concerning their land and people; the Hausa settlement, the Zango, and its population were and are still called "Á̱nietcen" i.e. "visitors" because that is what the Hausas remain to the Atyap. In other words, the Zango was developed in an area known as "Mabatado" to the Atyap, hence, the Hausa word for that area, "Mabaradawa"). Before then, people took iron ore to blacksmiths to form them the tools they wanted and paid him in grains or meat. After the coming of the Hausa, local blacksmiths began copying the products brought in by them.
Due to increasing volume of trade between the Atyap and the Hausa traders, the need for security became vital, the development which later led to the establishment of more markets such as the ones in Magwafan (Hausa: Bakin Kogi), Rahama, Tungan Kan (Kachechere) and Afang Aduma near Gan, although the Zangon Katab market became the most important of them all and was an important link between the four main trade routes in the area, namely: The East-West Route: From Bukuru to Rukuba on the Jos Plateau, running across Miango to the Atsam area and crossing the Kaduna River into Zangon Katab, from whence it passed to Lokoja. Goods traded included: dogs, beads, slaves and clothes, in exchange for ponies, salt, cowrie, potash and grains. The North-South Route: Running from Kano to Zaria, into Kauru through Karko, Garun Kurama, Magang and finally leading to Zangon Katab, whence it continues to Keffi, Abuja (now Suleja) and then to the upper Benue valley. Goods traded here included: horses, beads, brass, bangles, red caps, gums, and agricultural tools. The extent of trade and wealth of Atyapland could be seen in the rate of wearing of red caps for which the Atyap were known for and their possession of horses leading to the Hausa referring to the area as "Kasar dawaki" (Land of horses). From the Atyap, the Hausa usually took back in exchange woven mats, camwood (Tyap: gba̱ndaat; Hausa: katambari), ropes, mortars and pestles, elephant tusks, pots, goats, iron ore, rice and honey. The most important of them being elephant tusks and camwood, well cherished by the Hausa. An arm of the trade routes by the mid-18th century branched from Zangon Katab to Wogon (Kagarko) via Kakar, Doka, Kateri, Jere, leading to Abuja (now Suleja); and Another route from Zaria descending through Kalla, Ajure (Kajuru), Afang Aduma, Kachia and then to Keffi; as a result of expanding trade in the area at the time.
With their neighbours, the Atyap traded with the Gwong and Ham for palm oil, ginger, locust bean cakes and honey and the Bajju, Agworok, Asholyio, Atyecarak, Atsam, Niten, Bakulu, Avori and Berom all took part in this trade. The Atyap trading contacts extended to Nupeland, Yorubaland, and Igboland to the west and south; Hausaland, Azbin and Agades to the north; Berom, Ganawuri (Niten) and Rukuba (Bache)
An account by Human Rights Watch has it that there are no written records, but there is evidence that the Atyap were early settlers in the Zangon Katab region, as were the Hausa. Both groups were in the area by at least the 1750s, possibly much longer, and both groups claim to have been the first settlers. However, Achi et al. (2019) asserted that the time of establishment of the aforementioned trading pact (Tyap: A̱ka̱be; Hausa: Amana, English: Integrity Pact) between the Atyap and the Hausa is unknown, but it is certain that the residents in Zangon Katab entered into an agreement with the Atyap, centred on two issues: The need to ensure the safety of traders and their wares in Atyapland; the need for land for a permanent marketplace and for the immigrants to settle. The leaders of both parties thereafter appointed officials to see to the agreement's successful implementation. The Hausa leader of caravans (Hausa: madugu) appointed an itinerant settlement prince (Hausa: magajin zango) who resided in Zangon Katab, to collect duties from the itinerant traders (Hausa: fatake) from where their Atyap hosts were paid for peace, security and the provision of land for the itinerant settlement (Hausa: zango) establishment. The Atyap also appointed a prince, heir to the clan head (Tyap: or ; Hausa: ), who ensured traders' safety within and outside the perimeters of Atyapland and mobilized armed youths to accompany traders from Magwafan (Hausa: Bakin Kogi) up to the Ham area and then return. He also ensured that sufficient land was allocated for the Zango market and for the residence of the traders, through the clan head (Tyap: or ).