Waldemar Pabst (24 December 1880 – 29 May 1970) was a German soldier and political activist who was involved in extreme nationalist and anti-communist paramilitary activity in both the Weimar Republic and in Austria. As a Freikorps officer, Captain Pabst gained notoriety for ordering the summary executions of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in 1919 as well as for his leading role in the attempted coup d'etat by Wolfgang Kapp. In Austria, he played a central part in organising rightist militia groups before being deported for his activities. Pabst subsequently faded from public life in Nazi Germany, as he was never more than loosely associated with the Nazis.

Life Early life Born in Berlin, Pabst was the son of a museum director.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 286 He attended the , the training academy for officers in the Prussian Army, as a contemporary of Franz von Papen at the institution and was commissioned as an officer in 1899.Freda Gräfin zu Solms (ed.), Max Graf zu Solms. Ein Lebensgang, Marburg: N. G. Elwert 1982

Pabst saw active service in the World War I, mainly on the Western Front in Belgium and most notably at the Battle of Verdun. In 1916 he was withdrawn from the front and redeployed as a member of the German General Staff.

Anti-communism Under the orders of General Erich Ludendorff, Pabst joined the new Guards Cavalry Rifle Division in March 1918, late in the war. As chief of general staff, Pabst converted the regiment from cavalry to infantry. The regiment would become noted as the fiercest counter-revolutionary force in Germany at the time.Michael Mueller & Geoffrey Brooks, Canaris: The Life and Death of Hitler's Spymaster, 2007, p. 39

Pabst first came to prominence during the Communist and left-wing uprisings that immediately followed the war. As commander of the rifle guard, Captain Pabst was instrumental in such actions as the recapture of the Vorwärts building on 11–12 January 1919.Hans Mommsen, Elborg Forster and Larry Eugene Jones, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, 1998, pp. 36–37 His actions saw him promoted to the role of Chief of Staff, and as such, effectively commander, of the Horse Guards Division, an important Freikorps unit.Nigel Jones, The Birth of the Nazis: How the Freikorps Blazed a Trail for Hitler, Constable & Robinson, 2004, p. 73 Pabst permitted the summary execution of all individuals caught with a firearm, which resulted in the killing of many civilians and war veterans who were uninvolved in the strike. Among those killed was Communist Party leader Leo Jogiches, the former personal partner of murdered revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg. Pabst's energetic commitment to the unit, his strong anti-communist feelings, his general distrust of the commanding officers of the army and the fact that de jure commander General had grown exhausted because of a heart condition meant that Pabst became the focus of the Division and effective leader.Donald S. Stephenson, Frontschweine and Revolution: The Role of Front-line Soldiers in the German Revolution of 1918, ProQuest, 2007, p. 276 He saw Bolshevism as a world danger and took part in anti-revolutionary activities across Germany.Michael Kellogg, The Russian Roots of Nazism: White Émigrés and the Making of National Socialism, 2005, p. 93 He was also active with Russian émigrés, founding the Russian National Political Committee under the presidency of General Vasily Biskupsky.Kellogg, The Russian Roots of Nazism, p. 96

It was Pabst who gave the order that the captured communist leaders Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht should be killed, and he would later boast, "I had them executed".Wolfram Wette, The Wehrmacht: History, Myth, Reality, 2006, p. 44 At the time however, his official report claimed that he had taken them into protective custody but that they had been lost to an angry mob, a story that was quickly dismissed as fabrication.Jones, The Birth of the Nazis, pp. 77–78 However Pabst would later claim that his initial intention had been for Liebknecht to be executed by firing squad as a German but for Luxemburg to be beaten to death by an angry mob as he felt her status as a Jew meant she deserved to die in a pogrom. Ultimately, however, both victims were shot after being tortured and beaten.Robert S. Wistrich, From Ambivalence to Betrayal: The Left, the Jews, and Israel, University of Nebraska Press, 2012, p. 371

The leader of the Anti-Bolshevist League, Eduard Stadtler, claimed political responsibility for the extrajudicial murder of the revolutionary leaders. According to Stadtler, he contracted and gave the order to Waldemar Pabst. According to Pabst himself, the command was received from Gustav Noske in agreement with Friedrich Ebert.

Some of Pabst's lieutenants, including Horst von Pflugk-Harttung and Kurt Vogel, faced court martial for the killings although Pabst managed to ensure that his ally, Wilhelm Canaris, was in charge of proceedings and as a result the stiffest sentence handed down was the dismissal from service and two years imprisonment given to Vogel (whom witnesses had seen disposing of Luxemburg's body). Research by on the trial of Luxemburg's murder has used the previously restricted papers of Pabst, held by the Federal Military Archives, and concluded he had been central to the plotting and cover-up of this execution. Pabst himself was not brought to court martial.Jones, The Birth of the Nazis, pp. 79–81

In 1969, Pabst wrote in a private letter: "The fact is: the execution of my orders unfortunately did not take place as it should have. But it did take place, and for that, these German idiots should thank Noske and me on their knees, erect monuments to us, and have streets and squares named after us! Noske was exemplary at the time, and the party [SPD] (except for its semi-communist left wing) behaved impeccably in the affair. That I could not carry out the action without Noske's approval (with Ebert in the background) and also that I had to protect my officers is clear. But very few people understood why I was never questioned or brought up on charges, and why the court-martial went the way it did, Vogel was freed from prison, and so on. As a man of honour, I responded to the behaviour of the SPD of the time by keeping my mouth shut for 50 years about our cooperation [...] If it is not possible to avoid the truth and I get so angry I'm ready to explode, I will tell the truth, which I would like to avoid in the interest of the SPD."

Kapp Putsch Pabst briefly left Germany to take on a role advising Major Alfred Fletcher, the commander of the Baltische Landeswehr in Latvia.Jones, The Birth of the Nazis, p. 127 However he was soon back in Germany, and became involved in the Nationale Vereinigung (National Union), a right-wing think tank formed by Wolfgang Kapp, Erich Ludendorff and others, and was central to the group's conspiracy to establish a rightist dictatorship.Mommsen et al, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, p. 78 He served this group as secretary and supervisor of administrative affairs. In July 1919, Pabst attempted to organise a coup, when he convinced his superior General , the official commander of the Guards Cavalry Rifle Division, to march on Berlin in order to crush a reported Communist uprising. However, with the troops already in the city's suburbs, General Georg Ludwig Rudolf Maercker got wind of the plot and convinced General von Hofmann that it was a bad idea. With this plan thwarted, Pabst and the conspirators shifted their attention away from the Reichswehr and on to the disillusioned veterans of the Freikorps.Jones, The Birth of the Nazis, pp. 167–169

Pabst played a leading role in the failed Kapp Putsch and, along with Wolfgang Kapp and the Marinebrigade Ehrhardt of Hermann Ehrhardt, was named by Gustav Noske as having the main responsibility for the action, even though it actually had support from higher up in the Reichswehr.Heinrich August Winkler & Alexander Sager, Germany: The Long Road West, Volume 1, 2006, p. 366 In the immediate aftermath of the putsch, Pabst took refuge in Miklós Horthy's Hungary where he was soon joined by co-conspirator Walther von Lüttwitz.Jones, The Birth of the Nazis, p. 189 Despite the failure of the putsch, Pabst would often speak proudly of his involvement in the episode.Charles Adams Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, University of California Press, 1980, p. 781

Austria

Pabst eventually went to Austria, settling in the city of Innsbruck.F.L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism, London: Methuen Publishing, 1974, p. 224 In Austria he got together with the Heimwehr in Tyrol and played a central role in ensuring that the sometimes unstable dual leadership of Richard Steidle and Walter Pfrimer remained united.John T. Lauridsen, Nazism and the Radical Right in Austria, 1918–1934, 2007, p. 176 In Austria, Pabst proved vital in organising and disciplining the followers of the Heimwehr.G. E. R. Geyde, Fallen Bastions. The Central European Tragedy, 2006, p. 51 Such was his organisational skill that Pabst, who declared himself a Major after fleeing to Austria, became known as Waldemar der Grosse to his Heimwehr units.Marcel Roubiçek, Special Corps of Austria and Czechoslovakia, 1918–1945, 2002, p. 6 He was appointed Chief of Staff of the Tyrolean Heimwehr on 1 May 1922. In this role, Pabst was able to organise several disparate right-wing militia groups under the single Heimwehr banner, although he was ultimately unsuccessful in fully removing local differences from what remained an eclectic movement.Hans Rogger, Eugen Joseph Weber, The European Right: A Historical Profile, University of California Press, 1965, p. 330 Nonetheless Pabst was able to make contact with Benito Mussolini and was able to secure funding for the Heimwehr from him.Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, p. 892

Pabst was initially close to Johann Schober and won his support in 1929, when he suggested repositioning the Heimwehr as a pro-government political party.Lauridsen, Nazism and the Radical Right in Austria, p. 196 However, Schober's attempts to convert the Heimwehr into a force for pro-government moderation soon floundered, and he ordered the deportation of Pabst, by then recognised as the main organisational force behind the Heimwehr, to Germany the following year. With Pabst removed, Schober was able to ensure the removal of Steidle and his replacement as leader by the more compliant Ernst Rüdiger Starhemberg.Lauridsen, Nazism and the Radical Right in Austria, p. 206 A last desperate attempt by Pabst to induce Mussolini to withhold funding unless Schober embraced Pabst's policies failed and he was duly deported.Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, p. 893

Later life