Mass media in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are nationally and internationally state-owned and operated.
History
Pluralism and press independence in the Congo emerged before independence in the Belgian Congo. At independence, privately owned newspapers operated under a liberal legal framework derived from the 1959 decrees on public freedoms. This framework remained in place until 1965. Following Mobutu's rise to power, the regime recognized the press's influence on public opinion and, between 1965 and 1972, sought to acquire several publications by installing its supporters in key positions and covertly financing them.
According to Congolese author and information and communication sciences researcher Patrick De Favre Bintene, 1972 was a pivotal year in the history of the Congo's media. The Zairian doctrine of the "return to authenticity" (recours à l'authenticité), according to Bintene, led to a strategy aimed at reducing the mass media's structural dependence. This policy emphasized the promotion of national culture. In 1972, Congolese newspapers adopted Zairian names, and a press emerged that was written wholly or partly in national languages. That same year, all newspapers were brought under state control, with the state providing the resources necessary for their operation.
The favorable economic conditions that lasted until 1975 enabled the state to subsidize state-owned newspapers. However, the economic crisis that began in 1975 following nationalization left the state unable to support all of them. As a result, subsidies were restricted: Elima and Salongo received larger amounts than other newspapers, while overall funding became increasingly insufficient. Before independence, some Congolese-owned newspapers contributed to political awareness among the population. After independence, newspapers became associated with particular political groups, while the organization of the press developed more systematically under the Second Republic. Under the supervision of the Ministry of Information, the Congolese press covered national and international current affairs, including politics, social issues, economics, culture, and sports. Under the Second Republic, the press was also incorporated into the state's ideological and political objectives associated with the Authentic Zairian Revolution.
Print media by province, 1978 Province/regionNewspaper/print mediaPeriodicityKinshasaSalongoDailyElimaDailyZaïreWeeklyMasanoWeeklyZaïre ya SikaMonthlyLikembeBiweeklyBas-Congo and BandunduBeto na BetoWeeklyKasaï-Occidental and Kasaï-OrientalNsambiWeeklyHaut-CongoBoyomaDailyKivuJuaDailyShabaMjumbeDaily Source: Document No. 075/I.M.K./355/78, N'Sele, March 1978, as reproduced in Patrick de Favre Bintene, Problématique du rôle controversé des médias dans la résolution des conflits en RDC: analyse critique de l'opérationnalité concrète des médias pour la paix, Université de Kinshasa, Licence, 2010.
Elima and Salongo echoed the government's political messaging, with one authorized newspaper operating in each province, including Mjumbe in Lubumbashi, Boyoma in Kisangani, and Jua in Bukavu. The Catholic Church also operated its own publications, which were officially excluded from political activity. Other publications were legally permitted but appeared irregularly. Journalists had to exercise considerable caution to avoid criticism of the president that could be perceived as challenging his authority. This political climate was particularly evident during Dominique Sakombi Inongo's tenure as Minister of Information, when national television routinely portrayed Mobutu in highly symbolic imagery before the evening news.
In 1981, Ordinance-Law No. 81-011 of 2 April 1981, which amended Ordinance-Law No. 070-057, introduced a more liberal legal framework for the press and facilitated the emergence of new newspaper titles. These publications followed different trajectories: some proved financially unsustainable and became closely aligned with the authorities, while others presented themselves as independent newspapers. Although the ordinance formally liberalized the press sector, state influence remained substantial, and much of the press continued to operate within the state-party system. The regime tasked newspapers with mobilizing and informing the population, while publishers subsequently sought renewed state assistance. Much of the press continued to focus on the president's activities and the ideology of the single-party MPR. The 1981 ordinance formally recognized press freedom by requiring only a declaration to the Ministry for publication, while holding publishers civilly and criminally liable for their content. In practice, however, the formal liberalization of the press did not necessarily translate into effective independence from state control.
Liberalization In April 1990, Mobutu announced the liberalization of political activities and accepted the existence of political organizations outside the MPR, which had previously been the country's sole political party. The press had begun to gain greater editorial independence as early as 1989, taking advantage of the emerging political openings. New political parties also emerged, and new newspapers were established, often by politicians seeking to challenge the regime or gain political visibility. Newsrooms subsequently experienced an influx of members of the new political class, many of whom began working as journalists. This expansion of political journalism also raised concerns about professional standards, with some publications replacing political debate with personal attacks and personal disputes. Student journalists also entered newsrooms in increasing numbers, although their professional status remained contested.
After initially welcoming the expansion of the press, public criticism of newspapers increased as some publications were increasingly accused of violating standards of journalistic conduct and privacy. Many former pro-government newspapers subsequently shifted their support to the opposition. The end of the Cold War also contributed to political change in Africa, as international and domestic pressures intensified and several authoritarian governments made political concessions. During this period, 365 press organizations were authorized to publish, while approximately 400 political parties emerged. In this context, newspapers increasingly aligned themselves with either the opposition, including Le Potentiel, Le Phare, Elima, Umoja, La Référence Plus, or the presidential camp, including L'Avenir, Le Soft, Le Finance, and Salongo. Despite the expansion of political and media pluralism, the authorities continued to restrict press freedom, and journalists remained exposed to threats and violence. Mobutu subsequently sought to reverse some of the concessions he had made.
Democratization also affected the provinces. From 1992, private radio stations began to emerge and expand, including Radio Maendeleo in Bukavu (1993), established by local NGOs; Radio Zénith in Lubumbashi (1994); and Radio Amani in Kisangani (1995). In Kinshasa, religious stations predominated. Alongside Radio Elikya, established by the Catholic Church in 1995, and the Protestant Radio Sango Malamu, evangelical and messianic stations such as Radiotélévision Puissance, Radio Message de Vie, and Radio-Télévision Armée de l'Éternel also emerged. Private commercial and community stations, including Raga FM, RTKM, MBC, and Réveil FM, further diversified the radio sector.
Private television also developed rapidly in Kinshasa. Antenne A, established in 1991, was followed by Canal Kin and Canal Z (now CCTV) and by numerous private commercial channels, including Raga TV, Télé Kin Malebo, and Tropicana TV. Religious television channels also emerged, including Télévision Sango Malamu, Amen Télévision, Radio Télévision Sentinelle, and Radio Télévision Kintwadi. Many of these television stations grew out of existing radio stations and shared personnel and equipment with them.
Press under Laurent-Désiré Kabila and Joseph Kabila Laurent-Désiré Kabila came to power in 1997 and renamed the country the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), ending the use of the name Zaire. Press and freedom of expression remained restricted, which continued several practices established under Mobutu. Kabila also banned political parties, while several political and press freedoms introduced during the preceding period were subsequently curtailed. Press organizations faced restrictions on their editorial activities and sources of funding, while the new regime adopted increasingly restrictive measures toward journalists. Arrests, imprisonment, intimidation, and violence against media professionals increased; more than 160 journalists were reportedly imprisoned between May 1997 and January 2001. The outbreak of the Second Congo War in 1998 also restricted the operating environment for the media, while anti-Rwandan rhetoric became increasingly prominent in parts of the press. These conditions contributed to the creation of Journaliste en Danger (JED).
Following Laurent-Désiré Kabila's death, his son, Joseph Kabila, succeeded him. Media actors initially questioned whether he would maintain his predecessor's policies. However, in his inaugural speech, Joseph Kabila pledged to guarantee public and fundamental freedoms. In February 2002, he authorized political negotiations in consultation with the RCD, led by Azarias Ruberwa, and the MLC, led by Jean-Pierre Bemba. The peace process and the withdrawal of Rwandan and Ugandan troops helped reduce pressure on the media, particularly in eastern Congo. The transition, jointly led by the principal political forces and supported by substantial international involvement, also created more favorable conditions for press freedom. Nevertheless, media coverage remained highly politicized: political issues dominated reporting, while many outlets adopted explicit political positions. The media also became polarized between pro-Kabila and pro-Bemba outlets. Journalists continued to face insecurity, including unresolved killings.
During this period, media professionals sought to support their professional organization and overcome political divisions within the profession. In March 2004, the National Congress of the Congolese Press took place as part of an effort described as a "refoundation" of the press. The congress led to the creation of new professional structures intended to provide broader representation and enable journalists to contribute more effectively to the transition process.
During the transition, restructuring the sector became a priority with the establishment of the High Media Authority (HAM, now the Conseil Supérieur de l'Audiovisuel et de la Communication), the National Union of the Congolese Press (Union nationale de la presse congolaise; UNPC), and the Congolese Media Observatory (Observatoire congolais des médias; OMEC). Within less than two decades, the Congolese media sector evolved from a system dominated by government-controlled outlets into a more pluralistic sector, although media organizations remained unevenly distributed geographically. By October 2008, the DRC had 341 broadcasting stations, including only one, Radio Okapi, with nationwide coverage, and more than 600 registered press titles, most of which were published irregularly. The country also had 82 television channels, three of which—RTNC, Digital Congo, and Radio Télévision du Groupe L'Avenir (RTG@)—could transmit by satellite from Kinshasa for retransmission in some provinces.