Ethiopia–Israel relations are foreign relations between Ethiopia and Israel. Both countries re-established diplomatic relations in 1992. Ethiopia has an embassy in Tel Aviv.Embassy of Ethiopia in Tel Aviv Israel has an embassy in Addis Ababa.Embassy of Israel in Addis Ababa
Israel has been one of Ethiopia's most reliable suppliers of military assistance, supporting different Ethiopian governments during the Eritrean War of Independence and the Ogaden War.
History
Royal Era The Ethiopian Empire was one of ten countries that voted to abstain on the United Nations (UN) Partition Plan for Palestine in 1947, which proposed dividing Mandatory Palestine into Jewish and non-Jewish states. During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, Israeli advisers trained paratroops and counterinsurgency units belonging to the Fifth Division (also called the Nebelbal, 'Flame', Division).Ethiopia-Israel In December 1960, elements of the Ethiopian army attempted a coup whilst the emperor was on a state visit in Brazil. Israel intervened in support of Sellasie.Pateman, Roy. Eritrea: even the stones are burning. Lawrenceville, NJ [u.a.]: Red Sea Press, 1998. pp. 96–97
The alignment between Ethiopia and Israel during the mid-20th century was largely driven by common strategic concerns, particularly the shared threat posed by Nasserist Egypt. Beginning in 1959, Israel prioritized the establishment of strong ties with Ethiopia, investing significant resources into this relationship. Even before formal diplomatic relations were established, Israel had already made substantial contributions to Ethiopia in areas such as training, knowledge-sharing, and infrastructure development.
Throughout the 1960s, many of Israel’s senior military and security officials visited Ethiopia, underscoring the importance of the relationship. For instance, in March 1963, Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin spent a week in Ethiopia, meeting with Emperor Haile Selassie, his ministers, and military leaders. Their visit reflected Israel's strategic interest in Ethiopia, particularly in relation to the Blue Nile, “where the life of Egypt begins,” as Peres put it. Peres wrote a forty-page top secret report on Ethiopia and Israeli interests that contained this long excerpt: "Ethiopia’s intelligentsia is far larger than that in other African countries, but its poverty is African. The land is ethnically diversified, but most groups are under the hegemony of one, the Amharas. The country, however, is in a transitory stage. On the one hand, it is immersed in expectations and tensions, but on the other hand, it is equipped with strong tradition and much patience. . . . The people have fought bravely throughout history and won their independence but they have won little welfare and meager progress. A new generation, vocal yet capable, is yearning to assume leadership, but it faces an old guard that is articulate, experienced, and stubborn. It is possible the emperor may be assassinated. It is possible his heir may be deposed. It is possible a constitutional monarchy will emerge. It is possible that the young army officers will ally themselves with the university students. It is equally possible that these revolutionary officers will ally themselves with the proletariat of the countryside. Nasser is quite popular in wide circles, but only as a model for revolutionary change. Egypt is widely seen as the enemy, but what happens in Egypt’s domestic affairs—not what it does in foreign strategy—is something they consider worth following. This prerevolutionary atmosphere does not change the basic facts: Ethiopia is a large and important country, it is neither Arab nor Muslim. Christians are the majority and they are filled with a deep historical sense in whose heart Israel features squarely. Ethiopia is situated south of Egypt and holds the key to Egypt’s very future, for it controls the Blue Nile. Ethiopia has an army, a proud military tradition, and it respects Israel and would gradually like to become allied with us. Israel should work intensively and carefully. Ethiopia is a vital element in our effort to break the Arab hostility around us with power, connections, and resourcefulness. . . . It is our goal to reach an alliance with Ethiopia—cultural, economic, and military. We must spare no effort and resources in working toward this aim."
In the early 1960s, Israel started helping the Ethiopian government in its campaigns against the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). The Ethiopian government portrayed the Eritrean rebellion as an Arab threat to the African region, an argument that convinced the Israelis to side with the Ethiopian government in the conflict.Iyob, Ruth. The Eritrean Struggle for Independence: Domination, Resistance, Nationalism, 1941–1993. African studies series, 82. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. p. 108 Israel trained counter-insurgency forces and the Governor General of Eritrea, Asrate Medhin Kassa, had an Israeli Military Attaché as his advisor. An Israeli colonel was put in charge of a military training school at Decamare and the training of the Ethiopian Marine Commando Forces. By 1966, there were around 100 Israeli military advisors in Ethiopia. During 1960s, the Israelis had trained thousands of Ethiopian troops in counterinsurgency tactics.
The Ethiopian–Israeli cooperation had impacts on the discourse of the Eritrean rebel movements, which increasingly began to use anti-Zionist rhetoric. It also enabled the Eritreans to mobilize material support from the Arab and Islamic world. The Israeli perception of the war in Eritrea as part of the Arab–Israeli conflict was reinforced when reports of links between the ELF and Palestine Liberation Organization emerged after the Six-Day War.Lefebvre, Jeffrey Alan. Arms for the Horn: U.S. Security Policy in Ethiopia and Somalia, 1953–1991. Pitt series in policy and institutional studies. Pittsburgh, Pa: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991. p.
The regime of Emperor Haile Selassie sought support from Israel in countering the Somali Republic and Somali insurgents fighting for the independence of the Ogaden, which had been annexed by the Ethiopia Empire decades earlier. During a meeting with Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, Haile Selassie asserted that the Somali nationalist aspiration for a Greater Somalia was driven by Nasserite agitation and went so far as to express hope that Somalia itself should be annexed by Ethiopia. High-ranking Israeli police officials helped establish special border police forces in the Ogaden. The Ethiopian government claimed the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was training the Somali guerrillas.
Parallel to the conflicts in Eritrea and Ogaden, Israel was also accused of aiding the Ethiopian government in crushing the Oromo resistance.Lata, Leenco. The Ethiopian State at the Crossroads: Decolonisation and Democratisation or Disintegration? Lawrenceville, N.J. [u.a.]: Red Sea, 1999. pp. 95–96
Although the United States primarily trained the Ethiopian Air Force during Emperor Haile Selassie's reign and supplied new F-5 jets in April 1966, the Ethiopians restructured their air force that same year based on an Israeli Defense Force military program provided by Tel Aviv.
In 1969 the Israeli government had proposed the formation of an anti-Pan-Arab alliance consisting of the United States, Israel, Ethiopia, Iran and Turkey. Ethiopia rejected the proposal. In 1971, the Israeli Chief of Staff Bar Lev made a visit to Ethiopia, during which he presented proposals for deepening of Israeli-Ethiopian cooperation. The Ethiopians turned down the Israeli proposals but nevertheless, Ethiopia became internationally accused of having given concessions to Israel for setting up Israeli military bases on Ethiopian islands in the Red Sea. Ethiopia consistently denied all such accusations.
Israel offered Ethiopia military assistance in the event of a Yemeni take-over of the islands, but Ethiopia turned down the offer fearing a political backlash. Still, Ethiopia was attacked at the 1973 OAU summit in Addis Abeba by the Libyan delegation, accusing Ethiopia of allowing the build-up of Israeli bases on its territory. At the summit the Algerian president Houari Boumediène called on Ethiopia to break its relations with Israel. In return, Boumediène offered to use his political leverage to freeze Arab support for the ELF.Spencer, John H. Ethiopia at Bay: A Personal Account of the Haile Selassie Years. [S.l.]: Tsehai Pub, 2006. pp. 322–323Tiruneh, Andargachew. The Ethiopian Revolution, 1974–1987: A Transformation from an Aristocratic to a Totalitarian Autocracy. LSE monographs in international studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. pp. 31–32
The allegations of possible Israeli military bases on the islands of the Eritrean coast surfaced again soon thereafter, at a summit of Foreign Ministers of Islamic countries, held in Benghazi, Libya. The Benghazi meeting condemned Ethiopian-Israeli cooperation, and pledged support for the ELF.Situation in the Horn; HIM's Visit
Ethiopian Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold began seeking political support for breaking relations with Israel after the OAU summit. In early 1973, the Ethiopian foreign ministry sought to organize an imperial visit to Riyadh, which was intended to be reciprocated by King Faysal. Foreign Minister Ketema Yifru traveled to Saudi Arabia in April before continuing on to Egypt. Although President Sadat was in favor of a stable Ethiopia, he believed the country should sever ties with Israel. In Riyadh, Katama encountered similar sentiments, alongside promises of compensating Ethiopia for its losses through the import of meat and grain and collaboration on developing Red Sea resources. Despite Faysal’s travels to various African nations, he did not visit Ethiopia himself but instead sent missions to Aklilu emphasizing the need to expel Israeli presence. When questioned about why Ethiopia was particularly pressured to do this, the Saudis argued that Ethiopia held a unique position; it was strategically important and regarded as the spiritual capital of Africa. While Ethiopia had historically been significant to Islam, its ties with Israel were of particular concern to the Arab world, which deemed it crucial for those relations to end. In September, Haile Selassie and King Faysal finally met at the non-aligned countries conference held in Algeria. An Ethiopian source reported that during this conference, Faysal allegedly pledged a financial package worth $200 million in exchange for Ethiopia severing its ties with Israel. Part of this funding was intended for arms purchases, while the remainder was allocated for domestic needs. Additionally, Ethiopia faced a barrage of promises and threats from various Arab nations, both radical and moderate.