African socialism is a distinct variant of socialist theory developed in post-colonial Africa during the mid-20th century. As a shared ideology among several African thinkers over the decades, it encompasses a variety of competing interpretations. However, a consistent and defining theme among these theories is the notion that traditional African cultures and community structures have a natural inclination toward socialist principles.
This characterization of socialism as an indigenous African tradition sets African socialism apart as a unique ideological movement, distinctly separate from other socialist movements on the continent or elsewhere in the world. Prominent contributors to this field include Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Léopold Sédar Senghor of Senegal.
Origins and themes As many African countries gained independence during the 1960s, some of these newly formed governments rejected the ideas of capitalism in favour of a more afrocentric economic model. Leaders of this period professed that they were practising "African socialism".Socialist Models of Development, p. 851, Charles K. Wilber, Kenneth P. Jameson
Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Léopold Senghor of Senegal, Joseph Saidu Momoh and Siaka Stevens in Sierra Leone, Kwame Nkrumah and Hilla Limann of Ghana, François Tombalbaye in Chad, Modibo Keïta in Mali, Sékou Touré of Guinea, and Luís Cabral in Guinea-Bissau were the main architects of African Socialism, according to William H. Friedland and Carl G. Rosberg Jr., editors of the book African Socialism.
Common principles of various versions of African socialism were social development guided by a large public sector, an emphasis on an African identity and what it means to be African, and the preservation or revival of a classless society. Senghor claimed that "Africa’s social background of tribal community life not only makes socialism natural to Africa but excludes the validity of the theory of class struggle," thus making African socialism, in all of its variations, different from Marxism and European socialist theory.
African socialism became an important model of economic development for countries such as Ghana, Guinea, Senegal and Tanzania. While these countries used different models of African Socialism, many commonalities emerged, such as the desire for political and economic autonomy, self reliance, the Africanisation of business and civil service, Pan-Africanism and non-alignment. Several African countries adopted socialist systems from the 1950s to mid-1980s (~35 out of ~50-53 countries at the time).
The first influential publication of socialist thought tailored for application in Africa occurred in 1956 with the release of Senegalese intellectual Abdoulaye Ly's Les masses africaines et l'actuelle condition humaine.
History and Variants Julius Nyerere and Ujamaa In 1967, President Julius Nyerere of the newly-unified Tanzania issued the Arusha Declaration, committing Tanzania to a socialist reform program. At the center of these reforms was Ujamaa. Ujamaa, meaning "familyhood" in Swahili, was Julius Nyerere's framework for African socialism, intended to integrate traditional communal values with modern ideas of economic and social development.
Though his ideas bear similarities to other forms of socialism in Europe and Asia, Nyerere made it clear through his writings that he saw Ujamaa as distinct from the broader Marxist tradition.Steven Metz, “In Lieu of Orthodoxy: The Socialist Theories of Nkrumah and Nyerere,” The Journal of Modern African Studies 20, no. 3 (1982): 377–92. http://www.jstor.org/stable/160523. Rather than focusing on class struggle, Nyerere imagined the goal of socialism in Tanzania (and Africa generally) to be the restoration of the pre-colonial family unit. As members of a larger familial network, individuals were expected to support each other and share work, lessons that Nyerere believed laid the groundwork for a socialist education. Ujamaa was not meant to replace a failing capitalist system, like socialism was seen in Marxist theory, but to deconstruct the artificial power structures imposed by colonial rule and return to a naturally socialist order.Bonny Ibhawoh and Jeremiah Dibua, "Deconstructing Ujamaa: The Legacy of Julius Nyerere in the Quest for Social and Economic Development in Africa," African Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (2003): 69.Tomáš František Žák, “Applying the Weapon of Theory: Comparing the Philosophy of Julius Kambarage Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 28, no. 2 (2016): 147–60. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24758409. Nyerere argued that in indigenous African culture
Echoing Nyerere, future South African president Nelson Mandela asserted that in the past in Africa
The ideal society, according to Nyerere, would be built around the core principles of “freedom, equality, and unity”; together, these tenets would create an economy based on cooperative production, foster peaceful community bonds, and encourage democratic political participation. From 1968-1975, Nyerere’s government facilitated the consolidation of rural Tanzania into village-style agricultural communities where resources would be shared collectively. Nyerere, wary of the influence of Western-controlled international economic institutions, claimed that true liberation from colonialism required Tanzania to be economically self-sufficient.John S. Saul, “Tanzania Fifty Years on (1961—2011): Rethinking ‘Ujamaa’, Nyerere and Socialism in Africa,” Review of African Political Economy 39, no. 131 (2012): 117–25. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23145890. These farming villages were to serve as the heart of that development, building Tanzania’s economy while also freeing its culture from the capitalist value and power structure imposed under colonial rule. The theoretical link that Ujamaa created between economic development and social liberation has been praised for being ahead of its time, anticipating a framework that would not become mainstream in Western sociology until the late 20th century.Leander Schneider, "Freedom and Unfreedom in Rural Development: Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa Vijijini, and Villagization," Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 358.
The general international consensus on the Ujamaa policy regime is that it failed to live up to its goals. Most of the communities created under the Ujamaa program were unable to become self-sufficient in the way Nyerere had imagined. The accelerated timeline on which the reforms were executed and bureaucratic inefficiencies gave way to disappointing economic results. Though the goal of the Ujamaa villagization was to create economic production centers, much of Tanzania’s agricultural production was still done on independently owned small-scale farms that had not been absorbed into the state system.Brian Van Arkadie, Economic Strategy and Structural Adjustment in Tanzania, PSD Occasional Paper No. 18, The World Bank, 1995. The forced collectivization of farmland that had once been family-owned was a sore point for many farmers, who bristled at the radical cultural and lifestyle changes they were expected to embrace; meanwhile, in cities, the state's focus on agricultural production had inhibited its ability to address socioeconomic class division in urban environments.Marie-Aude Fouéré, “Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa, and Political Morality in Contemporary Tanzania.” African Studies Review 57, no. 1 (2014): 1–24. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43905075.
Nyerere’s government has also garnered criticism for the manner in which Ujamaa was implemented. At the outset of the program, Ujamaa was to be a voluntary, decentralized effort, leaving a certain degree of autonomy to the individual villages. Over time, however, the state assumed a degree of control over village management and production that some historians have labeled coercive and autocratic, claiming this contradicted the democratic values Ujamaa espoused.Paul Bjerk, "Sovereignty and Socialism in Tanzania: The Historiography of an African State," History in Africa 37 (2010): 275–319.
The failure of Ujamaa to deliver on its promises of development and equality led to a wave of intense backlash in the late 1970s-80s. In 1981, the Tanzanian government committed to its “National Economic Survival Programme”, a set of policy changes designed to liberalize the economy. Nyerere stepped down from the Presidency in 1985, but continued to advocate for his model of socialism until his death. By the end of his political tenure, 96% of children had gone to primary school, 50% of them being girls. Female life expectancy had grown from 41 to 50.7 years between 1960 and 1980 and maternal mortality rates dropped from 450 per 100,000 births to under 200 by 1973. Posthumously, Nyerere and Ujamaa have seen a resurgence in popularity in Tanzania.
Ubuntu The ancient Ubuntu philosophy of South Africa recognizes the humanity of a person through their interpersonal relationships. The word comes from the Zulu and Xhosa languages. Ubuntu believes in a bond that ties together all of humanity and the fact that a human being is of a high value. According to Archbishop Desmond Tutu, A man with ubuntu is open and accessible to others, confirming of others, doesn't feel debilitated that others are capable and great, for he or she has a legitimate confidence that originates from realizing that he or she has a place in a more noteworthy entire and is decreased when others are mortified or reduced, when others are tormented or abused.
Harambee Harambee is a term that originated among natives, specifically Swahili porters of East Africa; the word harambee traditionally means "let us pull together". It was taken as an opportunity for local Kenyans to self-develop their communities without waiting on government. This helped build a sense of togetherness in the Kenyan community but analysts state that it has brought about class discrepancies because some individuals use this as an opportunity to generate wealth.
Kwame Nkrumah and Nkrumahism Nkrumahism was the political philosophy of Ghana's first post-independence president Kwame Nkrumah. As one of the first African political leaders, Nkrumah became a major figure in the left-wing pan-African movement. In his piece A declaration to the colonial peoples, Nkrumah called on Africans to "...affirm the right of all colonial peoples to control their own destiny." and that "All colonies must be free from foreign imperialist control, whether political or economic.". His focus on economic and political freedom would prove to be a fundamental part of his overarching political philosophy, combining the nationalist independence movement in his home country of Ghana along with left-wing economic thought.
A major figure in the Ghanaian independence movement, Nkrumah came to power shortly after Ghana gained its independence in 1957. Once in power, he began a series of infrastructural and economic development plans designed to stimulate the Ghanaian economy. $16 million was designated to be used to build a new town in Tema to be used as an open seaport for Accra and the eastern region of the country. The government designed a new plan to tackle issues surrounding illiteracy and lack of access to education, with thousands of new schools being built in rural areas.