The Archdiocese of Albi (); () is a Latin archdiocese of the Catholic Church in France. It is suffragan to the Archdiocese of Toulouse, and it comprises the department of Tarn.
In the 12th century, the spread of alternative beliefs in the region led to the arrival of church authorities to refute and try the "heretics". Among them were the Good Men, from whom the Cathars became known as Albigensians. The latter held their own council in 1167, and their bishopric was defined. In 1179, Pope Alexander III summoned the Third Lateran Council, where he condemned them. In the early 1200s, a religious and military crusade was waged against the movement and they were largely destroyed.
The Diocese of Albi was established in the 5th century and was under the Archdiocese of Bourges for centuries. On 3 October 1678, Pope Innocent XI made it an archdiocese. With the arrival of the French Revolution, it was suppressed in favor of Tarn. With the Concordat of 1801, it was integrated into the See of Montpellier. Finally, with the Concordat of 11 June 1817, the Archdiocese of Albi was restored.
In May 2018, Legrez restructured the diocese to reflect the reality of the church in the region. The total number of parishes, which had existed since the Middle Ages, were reduced from 503 to 21.
History Originally erected around the 5th century as the Diocese of Albi,Compayre, p. 61. DeVic-Vaissete, IV, p. 383 column 1. the diocese was for centuries a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Bourges.
Growth of heresy
In 1145 The Encyclopædia Britannica article "Albigeois" Volume 1 (Cambridge 1910), p. 505, gives the date of 1147, which, however, is inconsistent with the known whereabouts of Cardinal Albericus. Pope Eugenius sent Cardinal Albericus, the bishop of Ostia, to Toulouse as his legate against the Petrobusian heretics, and Cardinal Albericus took the Cistercian monk Bernard of Clairvaux along with him. Gofridus of Clarivaux, an associate of Bernard, left a highly colored account of Bernard's work in confuting the Petrobosian leader Henry of Lausanne; after several days of preaching in Toulouse, Bernard caused Henri to flee, but he was quickly captured and turned over to the bishop of Toulouse. Bernard also preached against the Manichaean heretics of the neighborhood, though at the castle-town of Verfeil, some ten miles east of Toulouse, he was completely unsuccessful.Cesare Baronio (ed. Augustin Theiner), Annales Ecclesiastici Tomus XIX (Bar-le-Duc 1870), pp. 3–9.
The cardinal, followed some days later by Bernard, then visited Albi. The Cardinal's reception was cold and jeering, reflecting no doubt the well-known anti-clerical attitudes of the Albigensians, in particular the luxury and arrogance of the higher clergy. Bernard's reception was more friendly, his reputation as an ascetic and celibate approximating the Albigensian view of "the good men". He was favorably received in his sermon in the cathedral on 29 June, and, at least in his own imagination, he persuaded large numbers to return to the true and orthodox faith. His companion and biographer, Geoffrey of Auxerre, was less certain, an evaluation which appeared more realistic in the outcome. Geoffrey also wrote to the monks at Clairvaux that Bernard's return should be expected some time after the Octave of the Assumption (the last week of August). The cardinal was back with the pope in time for Christmas in Rome.De Vic and Vaissete, Histoire generale de Languedoc Tome III (Toulouse 1872), pp. 745–746.
In 1147, while he was still on his journey to France, Pope Eugene III received reports, charges that Bishop Gilibertus of Poitiers was guilty of heresy; the information was brought by two of Gilibertus' own Archdeacons. Gilibertus was summoned to answer to the charges. As the two Archdeacons were returning to France, they consulted with the well-known Cistercian monk, Bernard of Clairvaux, who became eager to help them in bringing Gilibertus to account. The Bishop was examined first at Auxerre, then in Paris (April–June), and finally at the Council of Reims in March 1148.
In 1165 a judicial meeting was assembled by Bishop Guillaume de Dorgne of Albi at the castle-town of Lombers, two leagues (c. 10 miles) south of Albi, a place agreed upon by the "good men" (boni homines) of the Vaudois, where they believed they would be safe under the protection of the knights who held the castle in fief. The "good men" were under suspicion of heresy, and they were expected to answer the charges against them.Pilar Jimenez, "Sources juridiques pour l'etude du catharisme: les actes du concile de Lombers (1165)," Clio & Crimen no. 1 (Durango ES, 2014), pp. 358–372. The Bishop fortified his court with a large assembly of notables: the archbishop of Narbonne and the bishops of Agde, Lodève, Nîmes, and Toulouse; the abbots of S. Pons, Castres, Sendrac, Saint-Guilham, Gaillac, Candeil, and others; the provosts of Toulouse and of Albi; the archdeacons of Narbonne and Agde; Countess Constance of Toulouse, Trincavel the Vicomte of Béziers, and the Vicomte of Laurac; and practically the entire population of Albi and Lombers. Bishop Gaucelinus of Lodève, who acted as inquisitor, had six topics concerning the theological doctrine and practices of the "good men" on which he interrogated them closely, sometimes in fact engaging in debate. The "good men" refused to use or respond to arguments or texts from the Old Testament. They were reluctant to discuss the eucharist (though they admitted that any good man, cleric or layman could consecrate), marriage, or penance (They would only say that the sick could confess to anyone they wanted). Crozes, pp. 58–59. In return, the "good men" accused the prelates of being guilty of unchristian greed and luxury, lupi rapaces, and they named Bishop William a heretic. Bishop Gaucelinus pronounced sentence on the "good men" as heretics, and offered them an oath of purgation in which they could demonstrate their orthodoxy. They refused. Bishop Guillaume could not bring himself to compel them to swear, or to impose a penalty, since there was considerable support among the people for their cause. Thereafter the "good men" were called Albigensians.Crozes, p. 59.
In 1167 the Albigensians were numerous and confident enough that they held their own Council at Saint-Felix-de-Caraman. A Bogomil bishop Nicetas, and Marcus, a representative of the Lombard community, were present. This council defined the geographical span of the Albigensian Bishoprics of Agenais, Toulouse, Albigeios and Carcasses (Carcassonne). The Albigensian bishop of Albi, Sicard Cellarier, took part.Bernard Hamilton, "Cathar Links with the Balkans and Byzantium," , at 141-144.
In 1179 Pope Alexander III summoned a general council of the Church, which met in Rome at the Lateran Basilica beginning on 5 March, and came to be called the Third Lateran Council. The 27th Canon of the Council addressed the heresies which were to be found in Gascony, the Albigeois, and Toulouse (in Gasconia, Albegesio, et partibus Tolosanis, et aliis locis) under the names Cathars, Patrines, Publicani, and other names. Anathemas were hurled against them, forbidding anyone to favor or to do business with them in their homes or on their properties.C. J. Hefele, Histoire des conciles (tr. Delarc) Tome VII (Paris 1872) pp. 509–510. In 1180 Pope Alexander appointed Cardinal Henri de Marsiac, who had once been Abbot of Clairvaux and who had been promoted Bishop of Albano at the Lateran Council, to serve as Legate in France against the Albigensians. In June 1181 he led a body of knights against the town of Lavaur, which served as the headquarters of the Cathar bishop of Toulouse. The Cardinal also held councils at Le Puy, Bazas, Limoges, Bourges and Bordeaux. He returned to Rome only after the death of Pope Alexander.Hefele, p. 514. Michael D. Costen, The Cathars and the Albigensian Crusade (Manchester 1997), pp. 105–106. Cardinal Henri missed the Conclave of 1181.
Albigensian Crusade
The Vicomté d'Albi was united with the crown by King Louis VIII in 1226, during his visit to the Albigeois in October.Compayré, p. 8, 270. Julien Théry-Astruc (2016), "The Heretical Dissidence...", p. 103.
In 1275 the Dominicans held their General Chapter meeting in Perpignan. At that meeting they took the decision to establish a convent of Dominicans in Albi, and they sent eight members of the Order to undertake the task. In the next year the convent opened, with Bernard Bociat elected the first Prior Conventual. The first stone of their church, Saint-Louis, was laid by Bishop de Castenet in 1293.Compayré, p. 58.
On 6 March 1474, King Louis XI of France by patent letters granted Bishop Louis d'Amboise and his successors the Presidency of the Three Estates of Languedoc, which included the lands of Perpignan and Roussillon, as well as the Bordelais and Guienne.Compayré, pp. 85–87.
Archbishopric
On 3 October 1678, Pope Innocent XI, in the Bull Triumphans pastor aeternus, raised the diocese to the status of a metropolitan archbishopric. The province was composed of the dioceses of Albi, Rodez, Castres, Cahors, Vabres, and Mende.Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana I, Instrumenta, pp. 1–3. Ritzler-Sefrin, V, p. 75 note 1. The bull was confirmed by King Louis XIV in letters patent dated 14 June 1680.Compayré, p. 65.
Cathedral and canons The canons (priests) of the cathedral chapter of Albi had once lived under the rule of Saint Augustine, since perhaps the 11th century.DeVic-Vaissete, IV, p. 383 column 1. Bishop Frotardus, at some point before his deposition in 1075, carried out a reform of the cathedral chapter, complaining of the greed, lack of chastity, and neglect of duty of the canons. Most of the canons returned to their duty. The document attesting to the reform mentions two sacristans, capiscolaris (cantor), a treasurer, and a dean. A provost is also mentioned under Frotardus.Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana I, p. 11, and Instrumenta, pp. 5–6. Compayré, pp. 70–71
Pope Boniface VIII, in a bull of 29 September 1297, secularized the canons. This led to an immediate and intense struggle between the bishop, Bernard de Castanet, and the canons of the cathedral chapter over the redistribution of the property and rights which had belonged to the monks of the monastery. Prebends had to be created, and issues over the rights of presentation to various churches and priories (which ones were to belong to the bishop, and which to the canons) had to be settled. The hostility that grew out of this situation certainly influenced the attempt in 1307–1308 to have Bishop de Castenet deposed by the pope.
The cathedral chapter was composed of seven dignities (not dignitaries) and twenty canons. The dignities were: the provost, the cantor, the succentor, the three archdeacons, and the theologian. Their prebends were granted by the bishop.Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana I, p. 2. In 1678 there were eight dignities, twenty canons, and forty-eight prebends.Ritzler-Sefrin, V, p. 75 note 1. In 1747 there were nine dignities and twenty canons.Ritzler-Sefrin, VI, p. 73 note 1.
There was also a collegiate church in Albi, the Church of Saint-Salvi, which was also served by a college of canons, at least since the mid-eleventh century. The canons, twelve in number, followed the rule of Saint Augustine, and were headed by a provost. The provost was elected by the canons and confirmed by the bishop, and had the right to confer all the benefices that belonged to the collegiate church.J.-L. Biget, "Sainte-Cécile et Saint-Salvi: chapitre de cathédrale et chapitre de collégiale à Albi," Cahiers de Fanjoux 24 (1989) 65-104. Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana I, pp. 49–52.
The Collège of Albi was established on 19 May 1623 by Bishop Alphonse d'Elbène and provided with an endowment of 3,000 livres. The Seminary of Albi was erected by the first archbishop, Hyacinthe Serroni, in 1684.DeVic-Vaissete, IV, p. 383 column 2.
Revolution