The Rand Rebellion (; also known as the 1922 Miners' strike and the Rand Revolt) was an armed uprising of White Syndicalists, Communists, and Nationalists in the Witwatersrand region of South Africa, in March 1922.
Following a drop in the global price of gold from 130 shillings (£6 10s) per fine troy ounce in 1919 to 95s/oz (£4 15s) in December 1921, the mining companies owned by the Randlords tried to cut their operating costs by decreasing wages, and by promoting black mine workers – who were paid lower wages – to skilled and supervisory positions. The promotion of non-White workers to these positions was seen by the striking White workers as a greater issue than the issue of decreased wages.
When these actions were proposed by the Chamber of Mines to the representative of the trade unions (the South African Industrial Federation) the latter rejected the proposals, calling on all workers in the Witwatersrand region to go on strike as a response.
The President of the South African Industrial Federation, Joe Thompson, called upon the trade unions to appoint representatives who would form the ruling body of the strike, known as the 'Augmented Executive'. The Augmented Executive would be the chief leadership of the strike from the beginning of the strike on 10 January 1922, to the removal of the Augmented Executive from leadership positions by Percy Fisher and the 'Council of Action' on 4 March 1922.
The strike
The strike under the Augmented Executive Hours after the beginning of the general strike in January 1922, striking White workers were recruited into local town-based militias known as 'Commandos'. Captured documents relating to the formation of these commandos would reveal that they were formed with the express purpose to "establish this country as a White man's country". Initially, many of these commandos had few if any firearms, and some, such as the Brakpan Commando, resorted to using sticks and pickaxe handles in order to partake in drilling exercises. As the strike grew however, the commandos became more organized and better equipped, each commando eventually having its own group of uniformed officers, a signal corps, an ambulance corps, an intelligence section, and small mounted (horse and bicycle) sections. Women Commandos also partook in the strike and later revolt.
Despite reassurances from Joe Thompson to South African Police officials that the commandos existed to assist the police in the potential event of a 'native' uprising, and that the commandos would remain lawful and peaceful unless provoked, incidents of violence caused by the commandos almost immediately began to occur.
On the night of 18 January, a group of approximately 40 strikers, all members of the strikers' Putfontein Commando, overpowered and disarmed 2 police officers guarding a mine's pump station. The strikers attempted to gain the loyalty of the two policemen, but when this failed, the strikers profusely apologized and unconditionally released the police officers. While many of the Augmented Executive claimed that these 40 strikers were not representative of their whole movement, Percy Fisher stated in a speech on 23 January 1922 that the strikers should have attacked more police positions instead of immediately letting the two captured officers go.
On 2 February 1922, instructions were issued by the Augmented Executive to local Strike Committees, ordering the latter to utilize the commandos in order to deal with "scabs" (non-striking White workers and all non-White workers), in whatever way was seen fit, no matter if it was by persuasion or force. The intimidation and assault of "scabs" then began all across the Witwatersrand region, with outnumbered police officers trying to protect the "scabs". Up until 3 February 1922, the police had only been armed with batons. After that date a quarter of all police on duty in the region were armed with rifles. Only three days later on 6 February 1922, the proportion of police armed with rifles was raised to half of all police in the region.
Percy Fisher continued to give speeches that called for violent action and for strikers to join their local commandos. Those strikers who refused to join a commando were publicly booed and jeered by their fellow strikers. At strike rallies, the theme of "Fighting for a White South Africa" became increasingly prominent, and banners with the phrase "Workers of the World, Unite and Fight for a White South Africa!" were carried by the strikers. On 6 February 1922, Fisher stated in a speech that "We are out to win this fight and by God we will, [even] if we have to raze Johannesburg to the ground."
The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), realizing that the Rand Lords would not give in to the strikers' demands, began recruiting strikers into the CPSA. Recruiters for the CPSA repeatedly and openly called on the strikers to achieve their demands through violent means, and after gaining sizable support from the strikers, the CPSA formed a 5-man 'Council of Action' led by Percy Fisher, with Harry Spendiff as Fisher's second-in-command. The three other members of the Council of Action (which was also referred to as the Committee of Action) were George Mason, Bill Andrews, and Ernest Shaw.
In the early stages of the strike, both the leadership of the Augmented Executive and the Council of Action publicly denounced violence against "scabs" and non-White South Africans in order to appease government officials, and had varying (but oftentimes little) actual belief in the racist ideas responsible for the initial strike, but both groups of leaders were willing to and did choose to use racist rhetoric in order to galvanize the White strikers (the strikers themselves being fully supportive of racist policies) into fighting for a "White South Africa". Various unprovoked attacks by the commandos against "native" non-White South Africans were justified by the commandos with the unfounded idea that the "natives" instigated such attacks as a part of a greater "native uprising" that was being backed by the Rand Lords.
On 8 February 1922, all five members of the Council of Action were arrested under the charge of inciting public violence against non-striking workers. There was vocal outrage from the strikers, but little violence actually occurred during this period, besides a few isolated incidents. One such incident was on 18 February 1922, when a large group of strikers occupied the Newlands Police Station and freed two strikers who had been placed in police custody. The police immediately retaliated and the two men were arrested again.
Percy Fisher and his Council of Action were released from custody on bail on 20 February 1922 (despite express opposition to this by the police) and incidents of violence, especially violence targeted towards "scabs" and mine officials, immediately increased in number.
At Brakpan on 27 February 1922, the police got into a clash with a commando, and while only batons and fists were used, a number of police were injured. At Driefontein Mine, a group of approximately 60 mounted strikers were caught trespassing on the mine's premises. The police dispersed the strikers and made 27 arrests, despite heavy protest from the strikers resulting in the injuries of 3 policemen. That evening, 700 Special Constables were mobilized to the outlying Johannesburg areas in order to allow regular police to focus on policing the busiest parts of Johannesburg. These Special Constables, or 'Blues' as they were nicknamed, had been recruited from Durban and not locally in order to ensure that the constables' loyalties remained firmly towards the government and its orders. The next day, on 28 February 1922, a large group of strikers demonstrated outside of Boksburg Prison (which was where the arrested strikers from the previous day were being held). The commanding officer, Captain Jock Fulford, twice requested that the crowd disperse, but was ignored on both occasions. Someone in the crowd of strikers opened fire on the police with a firearm whereupon Captain Fulford responded by firing warning shots above the heads of the strikers. A further five shots were fired from the crowd, seriously wounding police Captain Leishman and two other constables. Captain Fulford ordered one of his sections to fire four rounds into the crowd. Three strikers were killed and seven were injured, and the crowd immediately dispersed. While a later investigation and questioning of witnesses exonerated the police of any wrongdoing, the incident only angered the strikers even more.
Lieutenant Colonel R.S Godley of the South African Police immediately had a meeting with strike leaders in order to request a decrease in tensions, and Godley received assurances from the strike leaders that law and order would be maintained. On 2 March 1922, pamphlets were produced by both the Augmented Executive as well as the Council of Action, calling on their members to remain calm and avoid violence, but this contrasted with continued violence instigated by the commandos and strikers, as well as secret meetings which had later taken place between the Council of Action and the officers of the strike commandos. One such meeting took place on 3 March 1922 at the Johannesburg Trade Hall, where the strike officers were sworn to secrecy in the name of the future revolt under the threat of being shot.
On 1 March 1922, a large demonstration of strikers took place on the Union Grounds in Johannesburg.Strike Commandos attempted to intimidate workers at the City Deep Mine, but were driven away by armed mine officials and special police. Two days later, on 3 March, the Tramway Strike Commando was formed, and shots were exchanged between Strike Commandos and Special Police at City Deep Mine.
After the revolt had ended, an unnamed "general" of one of the strike commandos submitted an affidavit to the independent commission investigating the revolt, stating that on 5 March 1922, Percy Fisher and Harry Spendiff had approached him, asking if he knew that the Augmented Executive had handed over the powers to control the strike to the Council of Action. The general had said he had heard rumours about the transition of power, at which point Fisher and Spendiff chose to lie, falsely confirming to the general that the rumours were true. The two Council of Action members then asked the general if he wanted to become "Commander-In-Chief" of the strike commandos, to which the general responded with hesitancy, asking for time to think over the offer.
The strike under the Council of Action
On 6 March 1922, the Augmented Executive and its Joint Executive gathered at the Rissik Street trade hall in order to consider a potential ballot regarding the status of the strike. Early into the meeting, commandos armed with revolvers and other weaponry stormed the building and trapped the representatives inside of the meeting room. The commandos insisted that no ballot should take place, and that the general strike should continue. At the same time, Percy Fisher and Bill Andrews addressed a crowd which had formed outside of the trade hall on the building's balcony, stating that power over the strike had been willingly given to the Council of Action by the Augmented Executive. What little control the Augmented Executive still had over the commandos (and by extension the strike) no longer existed, and full control of the commandos and strike was now in the possession of Percy Fisher, the Council of Action, and the CPSA.