In South Asia, hijra are transgender, intersex, or eunuch people who live in communities that follow a kinship system known as the guru–chela system., , , They are also known as aravani and aruvani, and, in Pakistan, khawaja sira. Hijra is officially recognised as a third gender throughout countries in the Indian subcontinent,, being considered neither completely male nor female.
The word hijra is a Hindustani word. "By and large, the Hindi/Urdu term hijra is used more often in the north of the country, whereas the Telugu term kojja is more specific to the state of Andhra Pradesh, of which Hyderabad is the capital." It has traditionally been translated into English as "eunuch" or "hermaphrodite", where "the irregularity of the male genitalia is central to the definition". However, in general, hijras have been assigned male at birth, with few being intersex. Hijras' identity originates in ancient Hinduism and evolved during the Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526) and under the Mughal Empire (1526–1707).
In the 21st century, many hijras live in well-defined and organised all-hijra communities, led by a guru. Over generations, these communities have consisted of those who are in abject poverty or who have been rejected by or fled their family of origin. Some hijras undergo an initiation rite into the hijra community called nirvaan, which involves the removal of the penis, scrotum, and testicles. Many of them are sex workers.
Today, Nepal, Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have all legally accepted the existence of a third gender, with India, Pakistan, and Nepal including an option for them on passports and certain official documents.Julfikar Ali Manik and Ellen Barry, "A Transgender Bangladeshi Changes Perceptions After Catching Murder Suspects", The New York Times, 3 April 2015.
However, despite legal recognition as a third gender in countries like India, contemporary sociological research, such as the 2026 study Trans People in India: A Decade after NALSA, indicates that the Hijra community continues to face "implementational disenfranchisement." Researchers argue that while the 2014 NALSA judgment provided a constitutional framework, severe bureaucratic gatekeeping—especially regarding identity certification under the 2019 Act—still restricts the community from fully accessing mandated social security and economic integration.
Terminology The Hindi word hijra may alternately be romanized as hijira, hijda, hijada, hijara, or hijrah. Another such term is khasuaa (खसुआ) or khusaraa (खुसरा). These terms are generally considered derogatory in Urdu and the term Khwaja Sara is used instead. Khwaja Sara is sometimes seen as a more respectable term and has been reclaimed by the community given its precolonial origins and more accepted status within Pakistani society.
A number of terms across the culturally and linguistically diverse Indian subcontinent represent similar sex or gender categories. While these are rough synonyms, they may be better understood as separate identities due to regional cultural differences. In Odia, a hijra is referred to as hinjida or hinjda, in Tamil as ali, aravanni, aravani or aruvani (often considered derogatory, and have been supplanted by in-community terms rejecting the concept of hijra for a broader trans identity, such as thirunangai (; "respected woman"), thirunambi (; "respected man") and thirunar (; "respected person") for trans woman, man, and person, respectively), in Punjabi as khusra or jankha, in Kannada as mangalamukhi (), in Sindhi as khadro (), and in Gujarati as pavaiyaa (). In Bengali, hijra is called hijra (), hijla, hijre, hizra, or hizre. In Konkani, they are known as hizddem or hizdô. In Nepal, third gender people are called by terms such as maugiya, singaru and fulumulu.
In North India, the goddess Bahuchara Mata is worshipped by the hijra community in North India. In South India, the goddess Renuka is believed to have the power to change one's sex. Male devotees in female clothing are known as jogappa. They perform similar roles to hijra, such as dancing and singing at birth ceremonies and weddings.
The word kothi (or koti) is common across India, although kothis are often distinguished from hijras. Kothis are regarded as feminine men or boys who take a feminine role in sex with men, but do not live in the kind of intentional communities in which hijras usually live. Additionally, not all kothis have undergone initiation rites or body modification steps to become a hijra. Local equivalents include durani (Kolkata), menaka (Cochin),Naz Foundation International, Briefing Paper 3: Developing community-based sexual health services for males who have sex with males in South Asia. August 1999. Paper online (Microsoft Word file). meti (Nepal), and zenana (Pakistan).
Hijra used to be translated in English as "eunuch" or "hermaphrodite", although LGBT historians and human rights activists have sought to include hijras as transgender. In a series of meetings convened between October 2013 and January 2014 by the transgender experts committee of India's Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, hijra and other trans activists asked that the term "eunuch" be discontinued from usage in government documents, as it is not a term with which the communities identify. The term has been compared to those of mustarjil and mukhannath.
Gender and sexuality A common misconception of many in Indian society is that all hijra are intersex, asexual, and impotent. This is not fully accurate, as many hijra are sexually active, in relationships, or partake in sex work. In India, some Hijras do not define themselves by specific sexual orientation but rather by renouncing sexuality altogether. However, these notions can come in conflict with the practical, which is that hijras are often employed as prostitutes.Nanda, Serena. "Hijra and Sadhin". Constructing Sexualities. Ed. LaFont, S., New Jersey: Pearson Education, 2003. Print. Furthermore, in India a feminine male who takes a "receptive" role in sex with a man will often identify as a kothi (or the local equivalent term). While kothis are usually distinguished from hijras as a separate gender identity, they often dress as women and act in a feminine manner in public spaces, even using feminine language to refer to themselves and each other. The usual partners of hijras and kothis are men who consider themselves heterosexual, as they are the ones who penetrate.See, for example, In Their Own Words: The Formulation of Sexual and Reproductive Health Behaviour Among Young Men in Bangladesh , Shivananda Khan, Sharful Islam Khan and Paula E. Hollerbach, for the Catalyst Consortium. These male partners are often married, and any relationships or sex with "kothis" or hijras are usually kept secret from the community at large. Some hijras may form relationships with men and even marry,See, for example, various reports of Sonia Ajmeri's marriage. e.g. 'Our relationship is sacred' , despardes.com although their marriage is not usually recognised by law or religion. Hijras and kothis often have a name for these masculine sexual or romantic partners; for example, panthi in Bangladesh, giriya in Delhi, or sridhar in Cochin. A 2015 study found that self-identified panthi participants reported their sexual orientation as bisexual but otherwise aligned with male-typical in other study measures. Identification as hijra, kothi, and panthi can be distinguished from Western categories, as they go beyond sexual attraction (such as gay, lesbian, or bisexual in the West) to also include gender roles/presentation and preference in sexual position.
A qualitative, interview-based study found that those who fall under the umbrella of being hijra tend to identify with certain 'schools of thought', including Khusrapan and Zananapan. These terms refer to categories of hijra functioning. Those who follow Khusrapan identify with being a hermaphrodite, denouncing sex work while believing that the ancient practices of bestowing prayers and blessings are to be depended on for sustenance. In contrast, the Zananapan school of thought has followers who may be born biologically male but identify with being a woman through their appearance and lifestyle. They often turn to begging or sex work as a consequence of social exclusion. Many transfeminine activists in Indian communities reject being considered as a third gender, saying that it's a term that is assigned to trans women even if they do not consider themselves a third gender.
History Ancient era The ancient Indian erotic book Kama Sutra mentions the performance of fellatio by feminine people of a third sex (tritiya prakriti). This passage has been variously interpreted as referring to men who desired other men, so-called eunuchs ("those disguised as males, and those that are disguised as females"), male and female trans people ("the male takes on the appearance of a female and the female takes on the appearance of the male"), or two kinds of biological males, one dressed as a woman, the other as a man. Furthermore, in the Puranas, three kinds of devas, or divine beings of music and dance, were identified. These included apsaras, gandharvas, and kinnars, with the former two referring to female and male, while the latter refers to 'neuters'. Additionally, the early writings of the Manu Smriti explained the biological origin of the sexes, identifying a third sex that could result if there was an equal prevalence of male and female 'seed'.
Islamic era Hijra identity and culture are documented to have evolved during the Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526) and Mughal Empire (1526–1707), where hijras held esteemed positions as servants for royal and aristocratic households, primarily as guardians and servants for harems, and in administrative positions. Due to their proximity to the elite, the Hijras themselves rose to high ranks, becoming military commanders, political advisors, revenue collectors (mansabdars), etc. Rulers of kingdoms such as Awadh and Maratha often had hijras participate in royal courts and religious ceremonies, and hijras were granted varsasans (cash allowances) and imams (rent-free land grants).
Franciscan travelers in the 1650s noted the presence of "men and boys who dress like women" roaming the streets of Thatta, Sindh (in what is now modern Pakistan). The presence of these individuals was interpreted as a sign of the city's depravity.
The hijras/eunuchs who served the sultanates and empires were often slaves that were forcibly or coercively castrated. The number of such eunuch slaves was always few, as the eunuchs were considered the most expensive and elite kinds of slaves that exclusively met the demand of Royalty and Nobility.
British colonialism and the anti-Hijra campaign (1858–1947)
During the British Raj, hijras were subjected to various restrictions and intensive state-sponsored discrimination. Beginning in the 1850s, colonial authorities deployed various strategies to end hijra practices, which they saw as "a breach of public decency" and incapable of "moral transformation," as part of their influence on colonial-era sexuality in India. Colonial concern can be traced to 1852 murder of a hijra named Bhoorah in Mainpuri district. During the trials British judges portrayed hijras as beggars, cross-dressers and prostitutes. Historian Jessica Hinchy describes the response as a "moral panic". By 1870, no high-ranking British officials argued against the implementation of special legislation to address the "hijra problem", thus solidifying an anti-hijra campaign all across the Indian subcontinent. Anti-hijra laws were enacted, including a law outlawing castration, a marginal practice of the hijra community, although it was rarely enforced. The community was included in the Criminal Tribes Act (1871), subject to registration, monitoring and stigmatisation.