The Hispanic paradox is an epidemiological finding that Hispanic Americans tend to have health outcomes that paradoxically are comparable to, or in some cases better than, those of their U.S. non-Hispanic White counterparts, even though Hispanics have lower average income and education, higher rates of disability, as well as a higher incidence of various cardiovascular risk factors and metabolic diseases.
Low socioeconomic status is almost universally associated with worse population health and higher death rates everywhere in the world. The paradox usually refers in particular to low mortality among Hispanics in the United States relative to non-Hispanic Whites. According to the Centers for Disease Control's 2015 Vital Signs report, Hispanics in the United States had a 24% lower risk of mortality, as well as lower risk for nine of the fifteen leading causes of death as compared to Whites.
Researchers attribute the phenomenon to the cultural values, interpersonal context, and community context of the Hispanic population. Hispanics tend to be less stressed economically, since they tend to compare themselves to individuals in their country of origin. There is also strong social and communal support in Hispanic communities, especially for elders. Some health researchers attribute the Hispanic paradox to different eating habits, especially the relatively high intake of legumes such as beans and lentils.
Statistical biases such as the "salmon bias", which suggests that Hispanics tend to return to their country of origin towards the end of their lives, or the "healthy migrant bias", which assumes that the healthiest and strongest members of a population are most likely to migrate, have been largely refuted by researchers.
Since the 2010s, research has indicated that the Hispanic paradox is disappearing, as Latino mortality increases relative to white Americans, and cardiovascular risk factors are increasing in the Hispanic population. In 2023, a study found that the mortality advantage of Hispanics was largely erased during the COVID-19 pandemic, during which Hispanic death rates disproportionately increased.
History
First coined as the Hispanic Epidemiological Paradox in 1986 by Kyriakos Markides, the phenomenon is also known as the Latino Epidemiological Paradox. According to Markides, a professor of sociomedical sciences at the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston, this paradox was ignored by past generations, but is now "the leading theme in the health of the Hispanic population in the United States."
The specific cause of the phenomenon is poorly understood, although the decisive factor appears to be place of birth. It appears that the Hispanic paradox cannot be explained by either the "salmon bias hypothesis" or the "healthy migrant effect", two theories that posit low mortality among immigrants due to, respectively, a possible tendency for sick immigrants to return to their home country before death and a possible tendency for new immigrants to be unusually healthy compared to the rest of their home-country population. Historical differences in smoking habits by ethnicity and place of birth may explain much of the paradox, at least at adult ages.
Others have proposed that the lower mortality of Hispanics could reflect a slower biological aging rate of Hispanics. Some believe that there is no Hispanic paradox, and that inaccurate counting of Hispanic deaths in the United States leads to an underestimate of Hispanic mortality.
Statistical findings
Mortality Despite having lower socioeconomic status, higher rates of disability, obesity, cardiovascular disease and type 2 diabetes, most Hispanic groups, excepting Puerto Ricans, demonstrate lower or equal levels of mortality to their non-Hispanic White counterparts. The Centers for Disease Control reported in 2003 that Hispanic's mortality rate was 25 percent lower than non-Hispanic whites and 43 percent lower than African Americans. This mortality advantage most commonly found among middle-aged and elderly Hispanics. The death rates of Hispanics to non-Hispanic whites was found to exceed 1.00 in the twenties, decreases by age 45, then is severely reduced to 0.75–.90 by at age 65, persisting until death. When controlling for socioeconomic factors, the health advantage gap for Mexican Americans, the largest Hispanic population in the US, increases noticeably.
Hispanics do not have a mortality advantage over non-Hispanic Whites in all mortality rates. In 1999, they had higher rates for mortality from liver disease, cervical cancer, AIDS, homicide (males), and diabetes.
Infant mortality Another important indicator of health is the infant mortality rate, which is also either equal to or lower than that of non-Hispanic Americans. A 2007 study by Hummer, et al. found that infants born to Mexican immigrant women in the United States have about a 10 percent lower mortality in the first hour, first day, and first week than that of infants born to non-Hispanic white, U.S.-born women. In 2003, the national Hispanic infant mortality rate was 5.7, nearly equal to that of non-Hispanic white Americans and 58 percent lower than that of African Americans.
In 2014, the children of Mexican immigrant women had a lower infant mortality rate than that of U.S.-born Mexican-American women, even though the latter population usually has a higher income and education, and are much more likely to have health insurance.
Reasons for the paradox
Socio-economic factors According to Alder and Estrove (2006), the more socioeconomically advantaged individuals are, the better their health. Access to health insurance and preventative medical services are one of the main reasons for socioeconomic health disparities. Economic hardship within the household can cause distress and affect parenting, causing health problems among children leading to depression, substance abuse, and behavior problems. Low socioeconomic status is correlated with increased rates of morbidity and mortality. Mental health disorders are an important health problem for those of low socioeconomic status; they are two to five times more likely to develop a diagnosable disorder than those of high socioeconomic status, and are more likely to face barriers to getting treatment. This lack of treatment for mental disorders can affect educational and employment opportunities and achievement.
Residential segregation Important to the understanding of migrant community health is the increasingly stratified American society, manifested in residential segregation. Beginning in the 1970s, the low to moderate levels of income segregation in the United States began to degrade. As the rich became richer, so did their neighborhoods. This trend was inversely reflected in the poor, as their neighborhoods became poorer. As sociologist Douglas Massey explains, "As a result, poverty and affluence both became more concentrated geographically."
In 2009, Professor of public administration and economics John Yinger wrote that "one way for poor people to win the spatial competition for housing is to rent small or low-quality housing." However, he continues, low-quality housing often features serious health risks such as lead paint and animal pests. Though lead-based paint was deemed illegal in 1978, it remains on the walls of older apartments and houses, posing a serious neurological risk to children. Asthma, a possible serious health risk, also has a clear link to poverty. Asthma attacks have been associated with certain aspects of poor housing quality such as the presence of cockroaches, mice, dust, dust mites, mold, and mildew. The 1997 American Housing Survey found that signs of rats or mice are almost twice as likely to be detected in poor households as in non-poor households.
Cultural values Speculation of a sociocultural advantage stems from the idea that many traditional Hispanic cultural values are protective in health. One such value is that of simpatia, a drive toward social harmony, which may serve to ameliorate social conflict and the negative stress-related health implications that come with it. Familismo (family-centeredness) and allocentrismo (valuing the group) are both values which emphasize the needs of the group in accordance to those of the individual.
Respeto is another familial value in which family members are largely invested in care of their elders. Emphasis on family attachment in the Latino culture is believed to foster social cohesion and a sturdy social support network, which is protective of health during adverse circumstances. Familial support has been associated with higher likelihood of taking preventative health measures and of seeking medical attention when ill. Overall psychological and physical well-being has been found to be better in individuals who come from a supportive family than those who experience family conflict, which is why the family-centered culture of Hispanics may be advantageous in health.
Interpersonal context Social comparison theory Social comparison theory proposes that individuals make comparisons with others, most often those of a similar group, to evaluate their own well-being and worth. The psychological implications that these comparisons present depend on the nature of the comparisons. Upward comparisons often result in negative psychological effects due to feelings of disadvantage when being compared to those higher in the hierarchy. Conversely, lateral and downward comparisons often result in satisfaction when one sees himself as better off than those lower in the hierarchy.
Latino Americans and noncitizen Latinos are expected to make lateral or downward comparisons, either to other low-economic status Latinos and/or to relatives and friends in their home country. Such downward comparisons would result in boosted self-esteem and less psychological stress, resulting in better health.
Social networks and support Social capital is thought to be a significant moderator in the advantageous health outcomes of Latinos. It has been found that the magnitude of the effect of social integration on mortality is greater than smoking fifteen cigarettes a day. Characteristic values of Latino culture such as familismo and allocentrismo contribute to greater social cohesion and social support networks. This tight social fabric is a mechanism which fosters resilience through social support. Resilience is the ability to adapt to a disadvantageous experience and high resilience is protective in health.
Hypotheses Barrio advantage One hypothesis for the Hispanic paradox proposes that living in the same neighborhood as people with similar ethnic backgrounds confers significant advantages to one's health. In a study of elderly Mexican-Americans, those living in areas with a higher percentage of Mexican-Americans had lower seven-year mortality as well as a decreased prevalence of medical conditions, including stroke, cancer, and hip fracture. Despite these neighborhoods' relatively high rates of poverty due to lack of formal education and a preponderance of low paying service sector jobs, residents do not have the same mortality and morbidity levels seen in similarly disadvantaged socioeconomic neighborhoods.
These neighborhoods have intact family structures, community institutions, and kinship structures that span households, all of which are thought to provide significant benefits to an individual's health. These social network support structures are especially important to the health of the elderly population as they deal with declining physical function. Another reason for this phenomenon could be that those Hispanic-Americans that live among those of similar cultural and social backgrounds are shielded from some of the negative effects of assimilation to American culture.