The Tatarbunary Uprising () was a peasant revolt that took place on 15–18 September 1924, in and around the town of Tatarbunary in the Bugeac, Romania (now Odesa Oblast, Ukraine). Inspired by Bolshevik ideals and supported by the newly-formed Soviet Union, it was led by a pro-Soviet revolutionary committee which called for the creation of a "Moldavian Soviet Republic" and an end to the "Romanian occupation" of Bessarabia.Frunză, p. 70; Otu, p. 39
The uprising was instigated and led by communists from across the Dniester regionClarkMichael Bruchis, Nations – nationalities - people: a study of the nationalities policy of the Communist Party in Soviet Moldavia, East European Monographs, 1984, p .147Meurs, p. 77Giuseppe Motta, Un rapporto difficile: Romania e Stati Uniti nel periodo interbellico, FrancoAngeli, Milano, 2006, pg. 55 who were opposed to the establishment of Greater Romania and regarded the Moldovans as a distinct peopleFrunză, p.71; Ripa; Troncotă, p.19 (later that year, a Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, roughly corresponding to Transnistria, was established inside the Ukrainian SSR). The Tatarbunary Uprising, as well as the uprisings of Khotyn and Bender, occurred in those regions in which there were very important demographic changes resulting from Tsarist Russia's policy of colonizing Bessarabia with large numbers of Ukrainians, Russians, Bulgarians, and other nationalities.Michael Bruchis, The Republic of Moldavia: from the collapse of the Soviet empire to the restoration of the Russian empire, East European Monographs, 1996, p. 21 American professor and expert in Moldovan issues Charles King however considers the revolt, along with other similar rebellions in Romanian-administered Bessarabia, as modern jacqueries.Charles King, The Moldovans. Hoover Press, 2000. p. 52
Background
Soviet–Romanian relations After World War I relations between Romania and Soviet Russia were tense. Since 1918 there were numerous bilateral meetings in Copenhagen, Warsaw, Genoa, and other locations but no consensus could be reached. The Soviets saw Bessarabia as an annexed province and considered the decision of union with Romania as imposed by the occupying Romanian Army. Moreover, historians from both countries intensely debated the treaty with the Soviet Rumcherod in 1918 that required withdrawal of the Romanian Army from Bessarabia but which both countries failed to respect.Marcel Mitrasca, Moldova: a Romanian province under Russian rule, p. 38 The legitimacy of the Sfatul Țării was also brought into question, although the only contested decision was the unification act.
In December 1923, the sixth Conference of the Balkan Communist Federation adopted a resolution condemning what was called "Romania's expansionist nature". The Romanian state was accused that in 1918, taking advantage of Russia's weakness, it attached "large parts of other nations that achieved a superior political, economical and cultural level". It also says that, because of this, "the nationalities in Bessarabia, Bukovina, Dobrudja and Transylvania undertook a fight for self-determination". The documents adopted at the conference mentions that the internal policies of the bourgeois states in the Balkans after World War I suffered a failure and in order to resolve the problem they proposed the right of self-determination.Rotari, p. 154
Between March 27 and April 2, 1924 negotiations took place in Vienna in order to relieve Soviet-Romanian relations. Romania did not recognize the newly constituted USSR and the countries had no diplomatic relations. The Romanian delegation was led by Constantin Langa-Rășcanu and the Soviets were led by Nikolay Krestinsky. The Soviet delegation immediately raised the Bessarabian question and diplomat Maxim Litvinov presented a plan to conduct a plebiscite in Bessarabia.Otu, p. 38-39; Ripa The Romanian government rejected the referendum, viewing it as a Soviet public relations campaign. Langa-Rășcanu claimed that in the entire Soviet Union there never was any kind of plebiscite, citing Leon Trotsky. The Romanian delegation also insisted that the "eminent character" in Bessarabia is Romanian and that the population had "repeated acts of self-determination that make the plebiscite proposition a futile and offending request". On April 2, 1924, the Romanian delegation rejected the Soviet proposal and ceased negotiations with the Soviet Union.Scurtu, p. 295
Preparations The Soviet government assessed that, in 1924, all the conditions were met for major actions against Romania which would justify the intervention of Soviet Army. Similar actions were prepared for other countries from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea.Scurtu, p. 296-297 On July 20, 1924 the Executive Committee of the Communist International (Comintern) issued a note to the central committees of Communist parties in Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, Romania, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia, which stated that "the Russian proletariat is threatened with war from Romania". On this basis, a few weeks later, on August 8, under the presidency of Vasil Petrov Kolarov – secretary of the Balkan Communist Federation – a plan of action was drafted for Romania which was set to be implemented by mid-September.Otu, p. 39; Ripa; Troncotă, p. 19 The Comintern approved the plan, which divided Romania into five action zones:Mircea Musat. România dupa Marea Unire Editura Stiintifica si Enciclopedica, 1986. p. 781-782
North Zone – representing Bukovina, had the center of operation at Kamyanka (Romanian: Camenca, now Petriceni). The main goal of this force was to destroy the rail bridge connecting Cernăuți with Pașcani, thus isolating Bukovina from the rest of the country, and continue to Iași where it would link with other revolutionaries coming from Bessarabia. Bessarabia – had the main action zone in the south and it would advance to Galați with the help of a Soviet detachment that would cross the border at Olănești – Budachi – Tuzla. This was set to be the main action zone. Several munition deposits were prepared.
South-East Zone – comprising Dobrudja with the main centers at Călărași – Silistra – Mânăstirea. The plan was to destroy the bridge near Fetești that connected the province with Romania. Help would be provided by land troops from the Soviet Union. Banat and Hunedoara – here, the main proceedings were supported by Hungarian irredentists. The centers were Lugoj, Simeria, and Caransebeș. Northern Zone (Maramureș), Crișana, and Transylvania – only public manifestations of workers and peasants were planned. Centers were designated at Cluj, Dej, and Oradea.
The Soviet Union had asked not to be directly involved in the preparations. The only help would come from other Communists. In preparation, arms, munitions, and explosives were smuggled in boats across the Soviet-Romanian border, mainly at night. The plan relied on support from peasants who resented Romanian government's agricultural policy, particularly the land reform of 1921. The peasants' situation was aggravated due to a drought in summer 1924, which caused a famine in southern Bessarabia.Rotari, p. 252
As main leaders, the Comintern appointed Ghiță Moscu (Moscovici Gelbert), Max Goldstein, and Kalifarski (ethnic Russian and activist in the Comintern).Ion Oprea, Romania si imperiul rus: 1924–1947 Editura Albatros, 2003, p. 25 Andrei Klyushnikov, also known as Nenin, was responsible for coordinating the action, and the military commander in Bessarabia was Osip Poliakov, known as Platov.
The planned action in the North Zone had the purpose of inspiring other uprisings in Galicia. The first, fourth, and fifth zones were to begin action one week after the uprisings in the second and third zones. Even though the plan was complex, no significant events took place except for Tatarbunary and in the Danube port of Kiliia (Romanian: Chilia Nouă), where the uprising was quickly silenced.Rotari, p. 234
Local preparations
In Southern Bessarabia, a Soviet Party Committee was created in May 1922 and the leaders were two Comintern agents – Andrei Klyushnikov (Nenin) and Nicolai Shishman (Afanasiev), together with three locals – Ivan Bejanovici (Kolţov or Pugaciov), Ivan Dobrovolski (Gromov) and (Almazov). This committee was not subordinated to the Romanian Communist Party, but was under direct control from the Soviet Union. All the Communist organizations in Bessarabia were supported financially and materially by the Soviets as well as being under their direct control through the special centre in Odesa. Allegedly acting with instructions from the Intelligence Center in Odesa, members organized revolutionary committees in the three counties of Southern Bessarabia - Cahul, Ismail, and Cetatea Albă. A number of 25 villages and the cities of Cahul and Ismail were subject to these actions, all of them being inhabited mainly by Russians and Ukrainians. In each location the committees formed a special military detachment composed of a minimum 20-30 men together with a commander. Communications between committees were maintained by messengers.Rotari, p. 239
Before and during the Vienna Conference a large group of Soviet agents infiltrated into Southern Bessarabia and, along with the agents from the local committees, made propaganda in favor of the plebiscite. Arms were brought from the Soviet Union and main deposits were in Strumok at Ivan Robotă's house and in Nerushai totaling 3,000 grenades, 1,000 guns, 7 machine guns, 500 swords, 2 cannons, and one mortar, all Russian made.Rotari, p. 258
Andrei Klyushnikov or Nenin began to organize the local committees. From his house he wrote a report in which he asked for 100 swords, 600 guns, mine throwers, and bombs. Nenin encouraged the participants to be bold and to count on support of the Soviet Army once the rebellion starts.Rotari, p. 240 Nicolai Shishman was a very well trained agent. He spoke Russian, Romanian, and Bulgarian, as well as having other skills. Using many tactics, also by offering money, he tried to win local intellectuals and personalities to the Soviet cause, as was the case with senator Iacob Belaushenco from Cahul.Rotari, p. 241
Plan begins
Revolt starts
The first incident occurred at noon on September 11 when an armed group composed of 30 individuals, transported by boats, attacked the village of Nikolaievca (Romanian: Nicolăeni, now Mykolaivka) near the Soviet-Romanian border and at the shore of the Black Sea. The attack was initiated at the proposal of Kolţov and was led by Ivan Bejanovici. It appears that initial targets were Tuzly or Prymors'ke but no gendarmes were present at that time in Nikolaievca. The rebels cut the telephone and telegraph lines, killed the mayor and two gendarmes (last by grenade fire), set fire to several buildings, including the town hall, and spread manifests in which they encouraged the population to rebel. The manifests were signed by the infamous Romanian thief Terente. An outdoor fair was held in Nikolaievca and the attackers profited and looted the peasants, transporting the booty in three waggons to the nearby Black Sea marshes. The rapid intervention of the Romanian Gendarmerie prevented further turmoil.Scurtu, p. 297, Rotari, p. 241
After this incident, several leaders were arrested and it appears that Nenin decided to accelerate operations. On the evening of 15 September he convened a meeting at the house of Chirilă Nazarenko in Tatarbunary. Participants were Iustin Batischcev, Nechita Lisovoi, Kolţov, Leonte Ţurcan and Alexei Pavlenco. They all agreed on the plan, that would begin that night, and some of them brought arms and munitions from Strumok.