There are many instances of feminist ideas in Poland—most prominently in the expansion of women's rights under state socialism, the role of women in the fall of communism and even the conservative revolution after 1989 — sometimes feminism as a concept is written off either as an individualistic Western ideal or part of communist ideology, while in other cases, it’s embraced as necessary for social progress, especially in many urban areas.
Feminism is typically divided into periods and waves. However, Polish feminism has progressed outside of the typical wave structure associated with Western feminism. Polish feminism can be tied to ideals of the second and third waves of feminism, but it paradoxically exists between the waves. Polish feminists have used third wave strategies to fight for rights that are associated with the second wave like equal pay and reproductive justice, for example.
Poland stands in a unique position due to the role of the Catholic Church, complex association of feminism with communist rule in some cases, and other parts of Polish society being actively supportive of feminism. Polish cultural values, in some cases, prioritize traditional ideals, positioning feminism as a challenge to those beliefs.
The Nineteenth Century According to Eugenia Łoch, Poland experienced three successive waves of feminism in the 19th century; the first and weakest wave came before the November uprising of 1830. It was then that Klementyna z Tańskich Hoffmanowa wrote the first Polish text with 'feminist' features, Pamiątka po dobrej matce (Remembrance of a Good Mother, 1819). Though the author affirmed the traditional societal roles of wife and mother for Polish women, she nevertheless also advocated the necessity of education for women.
Uprisings period A second and stronger wave occurred between the November 1830 and January 1863 Uprisings. This Polish period was influenced by French "proto-feminist" ideas: by George Sand's writings, and by La Gazette des femmes (The Women's Gazette).
The leading Polish journal advocating feminism was Przegląd Naukowy (The Learned Review), which published articles by, among others, Narcyza Żmichowska (the Warsaw leader of the "entuzjastki"), who advocated the "emancipation" and education of women. Żmichowska was also an active speaker on behalf of women's causes.
The first Polish woman philosopher, Eleonora Ziemięcka, wrote Myśli o wychowaniu kobiet (Thoughts on the Education of Women, 1843), which postulated that the most important aim in women's education was the forming of their human nature – and only afterwards, their femininity.in: Łoch, 2001:46
Positivism period Poland experienced its third and strongest feminist wave after 1870, under major Western influence. In this wave, the principal advocates of the feminist cause were men. in 1870 Adam Wiślicki published an article, "Niezależność kobiety" ("Woman's Independence"), in Przegląd Naukowy, containing radical demands for equality of the sexes in education and the professions. In the same newspaper, Aleksander Świętochowski criticized Hoffmanowa's books, which he said "transform women into slaves." Another newspaper, Niwa, pushed for women's equality in education and work. The most radical feminist demands appeared in Edward Prądzyński's book, O prawach kobiety (On Women's Rights, 1873), which advocated full equality of the sexes in every domain.
The question of women's emancipation was especially important at the University of Lwów (Lemberg). In 1874 a university lecturer, Leon Biliński, gave a series of lectures "O pracy kobiet ze stanowiska ekonomicznego" ("On Women's Work from the Economic Standpoint"). He strongly supported women's intellectual and economic emancipation and their free access to higher education. His efforts later bore fruit: in 1897 the first women students graduated from Lwów University.
In Eliza Orzeszkowa's literary output, the motif of women's emancipation is particularly important. In her book, Kilka słów o kobietach (A Few Words about Women, 1871) she stressed the fundamental human nature of every woman, perverted by society.
A major figure in Polish feminism in this period and later was Gabriela Zapolska, whose writings included classics such as the novel, Kaśka Kariatyda (Cathy the Caryatid, 1885–86).
In 1889 the Russian newspaper Pravda (Truth) published an article by Ludwik Krzywicki, "Sprawa kobieca" ("The Woman Question"), which postulated that women's liberation was inherent to the capitalist economy.in: Łoch, 2001:47
Twentieth century The fourth – modernistic – wave of feminism reached Poland around 1900. While male writers focused on the 'mysterious and mystic' nature of women, female authors (e.g. Maria Konopnicka, Eliza Orzeszkowa) were occupied with more rational aspects of feminity. Zofia Nałkowska was especially active in the Polish women's movement. Her speech Uwagi o etycznych zadaniach ruchu kobiecego (Remarks about Ethical Objectives of the Women's Movement) during the Women's Congress in Warsaw in 1907 condemned female prostitution as a form of polygamy. Nałkowska's first novel, Kobiety (Women) (1906), and another novel, Narcyza (1910), denounced female passivity confronted with what she perceived as masculine domination.in: Łoch, 2001:48
Interwar period
The fifth wave of Polish feminism took place in the interwar period (1920s and 1930s). Feminist discourses of that epoch (in Poland as well as in other countries) searched for new definitions of feminism and tried to identify new goals (there were doubts about whether to fight for full equality or rather for protective legislation). Almost every feminist (even radicals) believed that women had achieved their liberation.Poland granted to women the right to vote in 1918. Róża Melcerowa expressed those feelings: Feminism (...) in fact ended among those nations where de jure had secured its object: social and political equality.in Łoch 2001: 59
Article 96 of the Polish constitution of 1921 provided that all citizens were equal under law, however, it did not apply to married women. On 1 July 1921 the Act on the Change of Certain Provisions of the Civil Law Pertaining to Women's Rights was enacted by the Sejm, to address the most obvious inequalities for women who were married. The provisions of the Act allowed women to control their own property (except their dowry), to act as witnesses to legal documents, to act as custodian of her children if her husband was incapacitated, and to live separately from her spouse. The law also removed the requirements that a woman had to obey her husband and abolished requirements for a wife to obtain her husband's permission to engage in legal actions.
In 1932 Poland made marital rape illegal. Nałkowska continued to analyse women's questions: in the novels Romans Teresy Hennert (Teresa Hennert's Liaison, 1923) and Renata Słuczańska (1935) she dealt with the limits of women's liberty in traditional society.
The 1920s saw the emergence of radical feminism in Poland. Its representatives, Irena Krzywicka and Maria Morozowicz-Szczepkowska, shared an aggressive rhetoric and advocated women's deliverance from the emotional relationship with men ("fight against love") as the sole medium towards individual independence. Krzywicka and Tadeusz Żeleński ('Boy') both promoted planned parenthood, sexual education, rights to divorce and abortion, and strict equality of sexes. Krzywicka published a series of articles in Wiadomości Literackie (Literary News) (from 1926), Żeleński wrote numerous articles (Brewerie (Brawls) 1926, Dziewice konsystorskie (Consistory Virgins) 1929, Piekło kobiet (Hell for Women) 1930, Zmysły, zmysły (Libido, Libido) 1932, Nasi Okupanci (Our Invaders) 1932), among others, in which he protested against interference by the Roman Catholic Church into the intimate lives of Poles. Both Krzywicka and Żeleński were exceptionally active speakers, promoting the ideas of feminism in the whole country. A different aspect of Polish feminism figures in the poetry and drama (Szofer Archibald (Chauffeur Archibald) 1924 and Egipska pszenica (Egyptian Wheat) 1932) of Maria Pawlikowska-Jasnorzewska. That author advocated a female erotic self-emancipation from social conventions.
Under communist rule Under the Soviet Union, feminism in Poland both progressed and hindered. World War II marked a turning point, greatly impacting the development of Poland as a whole, introducing both a need to rebuild the country after the destruction of the war and to embody new communist ideals.
After the war, the communist movement strengthened and the state briefly introduced initiatives to include more women in the workforce and expand social welfare programs for women. The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) and the Polish Workers' Party (PPR) established Women's Sections within the party. However, much of the cultural attitude remained stagnant and its conservative outlook was represented by the Catholic Church in Poland.
When men left for the war, and as they returned to an economy where it was difficult to afford necessary goods, women's role in the workplace was seen as more legitimate. Women were integrated into the workforce, but they experienced backlash in waves. They could best justify their presence in the workforce as female breadwinners. Polish culture was able to accept women workers as long as their work was for economic needs tied to the family–which both liberated women from domestic labor, but also tied them to the Mother Polka identity.
During the period of de-Stalinization in the 1950s, traditional gender ideals returned. Even during the earlier communist years, much of the expansion of women in the workplace was done out of necessity; because many men died at war and due to rapid plans for industrialization that required more labor. The state expanded women's roles through the creation of a welfare state, providing paid leave and free childcare to lighten the double burden of working at home and at work. After Stalin's death, the ideal of women as mothers (Matka Polka) returned and men saw female breadwinning as a threat to masculinity.
During communism, wage labor could be seen as the primary method of women's liberation. After Stalinism, there was more distance from official communist thought. Thus, after his death, there was more freedom and political openness but women were limited by the new reinforcement of gender hierarchies as they were removed from their more "masculine" jobs and forced back into the home. The state was not successful in completely returning to pre-war gender roles as women's employment continued to rise; by the 1980s over 90% of working-age women were employed.
Second-wave feminism
The second-wave feminism as a period of feminist activity began in the early 1960s in the United States. The same wave reached its peak in Poland already in 1956 with the legalization of abortion, which generated the production of polemical pro-choice texts. Afterwards, feminist voices were almost silenced (until 1989); the state considered feminist demands fulfilled, any open discussion about women's problems was forbidden, only official ('materialist' and 'Marxist') feminist texts, mainly focused on taking off women the burden of 'traditional' female domestic work, were allowed. 'Western' feminism was officially prohibited and was practically absent in the Polish social life until 1989.in: Śleczka, Kazimierz, 1997. "Feminizm czy feminizmy". In: Zofia Gorczyńska, Sabina Kruszyńska, Irena Zakidalska (eds.). Płeć, kobieta, feminizm. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego: p.17